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The Ladakhi

A Study in Ethnography and Change

R. S. Mann

About the book

This study explores and
explains various aspects
of life and culture of the
Ladakhis. While explain¬
ing and interpreting
diverse parameters of
Ladakhi cultural matrix,
the focus remains on con¬
tinuity and change per¬
spective. Ethnographic
features do speak of ele¬
ments of persistence, as
also of nature and extent
of change. The patterns
of Ladakhi society and
culture, therefore, are
analysed not only in static
forms but also within the
fold of dynamics.
Within the traditions of
holistic approach, the ele¬
ments of Ladakhi social
organisation have speci¬
ally been analysed in the
context of ecology and
religion, the two impo¬
sing and dominant do¬
mains characterizing the
remote habitations of the
Ladakhis. Monastic or¬
ganisation and typical
kind of ecology have had
a great say in shaping
the Ladakhi society and
culture.

In Ladakhi society,
more of the dimensions
of cultural change chiefly
seek their origin to exoge¬
nous factors. The latter
are actively involved in
changing the physical con¬
ditions and the destiny
of humans in Ladakh.

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The Ladakhi

A Study in Ethnography and Change

«*\ ■

THE LADAKHI

A Study in Ethnography and Change

R. S. MANN

Assisted by T. K. GHOSH

ANTHROPOLOGICAL SURVEY OF INDIA

MINISTRY OF HUMAN RESOURCE DEVELOPMENT
(DEPARTMENT OF CULTURE)
GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
CALCUTTA -700 01 6

Memoir No. 69

Published by
The Director

Anthropological Survey of India
27 Jawaharlal Nehru Road
Calcutta-700 016

Published in February 1986

Printed by
M. Talukdar

Loyal Art Press Private Limited
164 Lenin Sarani
Calcutta-700 013

Price : Rs.

t, , : [

Without the expressed permission from the Director, Anthropological Survey of India
no portion of this publication can be reproduced partly or wholly.

PREFACE

Culture change and its dynamics have, of late, formed an important
arena in the social anthropological and sociological frameworks. At
theoretical level the rise of acculturation phenomenon, and at the level
of social-cultura.1 reality the massive planning for transformation of socie¬
ties, attracted the attention of social-cultural researchers and analysts.
Their intervention, as social analysts, was specially desired and demanded
by the societies of Third World countries who suddenly fell in the imposing
sway of change. The strategy of change of these developing nations
further asked for analytical observations and interpretations of social
researchers, which could be taken advantage of in regulating transition
and ultimately a smooth transformation. India, being the major developing
nation of South Asia, provided a large scope for studies on descrip¬
tion of culture and its changing perspective. Her plural society, and
large scale social-cultural heterogeneity needed more comprehensive and
intensive social research, specially in the context of change. Purposed
search for important relevant parameters was, thus, desired for human
populations, including those occupying interior, outlying and isolated
localities. As part of this trend it was thought to cover upper Himalayas.
For various reasons the life and culture of the people, belonging to this
formation, continued to remain unexplored. These little known com¬
munities were considered all the more important in terms of their cultural
heritage and change. The present work on Ladakhi life and culture, and
the changes thereof, is an outcome of the background outlined above.

It may be mentioned that no reasonably good account of Ladakhi
life and culture is available in the existing literature. To my knowledge,
no anthropologist or sociologist has, so far, made any deep study on
Ladakhi life-designs. Except a few articles, here and there, no book,
exclusively devoting to scientific explanation of Ladakhi way of life, could
be published. People continue to quote century old works of some British
administrators and army officers. My description of Ladakhi society is
a modest attempt within the tradition of scientific procedure. I do not
claim it a very exhaustive, ethnographic and change account. But certainly
the book provides deep insight into the social structure and organisation
of Ladakhis. The focus has been on fixity and persistence of social system
on the one hand, and change on the other. Continuity and change are
highlighted in individual chapters, as also in the finale given towards the
close of book. The readers, I presume, would be able to well locate the
nature, degree and trends of change. In addition to exogenous factors
of change, the format of endogenous stimulants and barriers to change
are well delineated at relevant places.

A large number of cultural elements and events of Ladakhis have an
intimate bearing to eco-system. Their explanations are best sought in
ecological parameters. People seem to have made an excellent adjustment

the Ladakhi

and adaptation to imposing external conditions. This is reflected in their
nature of behaviour and interaction among themselves, as also in their
equation with nature. People feel that their adaptation alone made them
survive whenever nature posed threat to their existance. Details of rites,
rituals ceremonies, institutions and social groupings provide support to
their arguments.

Religion continues to form their richest resource for seeking satis¬
faction and inspiration. It’s elaborate form intervenes at all levels and in
all walks of life. The faith of Ladakhis in religious attributes remains
unaltered. The villagers find no alternative to religious explanations which
are stated to have helped them althrough. Occasionally the monastic
organisations (the repository of religion) seem to come hard on the villagers,
but the same is taken as normal part of living. Religious hierarchy and its
manifestations are all pervading, interacting so deeply in social economic
life, as also in the arena of social control. To one who has thoroughly
explored and understood Ladakhi life and culture, it sounds convincing
that society (its culture), religion and external ecology provide mutually
intervening network forming patterns of society and culture in this remote
locality of Indian sub-continent. And this is how people boast of their
survival in these lifeless heights.

Buddhism, the religion of Ladakhis, prescribes for egalitarian order.
And ideally the religious men provide support to the same. But pragmati¬
cally there is lot of contradiction in it. Egalitarianism is more c f a slogan
than reality. Gara, Mon and some Reda, who a.re also Buddhists, are
differentiated from La.dakhis. They a.re denied of certain rights and pri¬
vileges and a.re socially low. Stratification, inequality a.nd ranking
characterize La.da.khi village community. Certain elements of stratification
bear resemblance to those of the Hindu caste system. There a.re other
characters which remain short of its requirements. Implications and
manifestations of social stratification a.re well reflected in many aspects of
village community and its functioning. Even the monastic organisation,
in its practical perspective, does cultivate some deprivation and alienation
in respect of people belonging to certain ethnic groups, even when they are
Buddhists. On the other ha.nd. the rest get concession and a.re privileged.

A sharp rise of new economic opportunities has considerably helped
meet Ladakhi’s growing aspirations a.nd expectations. Fast growth of
employment potential, adoption of some agriculture innovations and ex¬
pansion of i nternal trade have opened up new avenues of earning. Involve¬
ment in such ventures did reflect on the ongoing pattern of division of
labour. It has its repercussions even in the social and religious life.

The abrupt growth of a strong network of communication helped
widen mechanism of socio-political control. It applied to structure as well
as function perspectives. The growth of linkages with wider political
agencies and parties added new dimensions to Ladakhi politics and social
control. Religion and politics came closer. The formal system of electio¬
neering pawed wa.y to divisive tendency. Alien influence on local ways

PREFACE

Vli

led. to readjustment in certain social groupings. But the new avenues have
not undermined the role of religion in resolving conflict and in bringing
about consensus. To take care of new political ends the religion is rather
being strengthened. Dependence on traditional bodies of social control
is still the supreme, and so the devotion of people to the same.

For paucity of existing relevant material, the explanations and des¬
criptions remain largely field-based.. This document is an outcome of
over six months of field-work in Ladakh in 1970-71. Since the study
focused on continuity and change, four villages (Spituk, Sabu, Thiksay and
Kuyul) were intensively researched. From Leh, the headquarters of Ladakh
district and the only urban centres, these villages are located at different
distances — from nine to two hundred fifty kilometers. These settlements
are at various altitudes, ranging from 9,500 to 14,000 feet above sea
level. Three hundred families provided major platform for statistical and
other treatment. Descriptive data, however, were also collected from other
informants belonging to these and other neighbouring villages, as also from
other population groups. With a total population of 1806, these three
hundred families have 885 males and 921 females. With average family
size of 6.02, the male-female proportion is 100:104. The higher proportion
of femafles does not outwardly go in tune with polyandrous system which
these La.dakhis have. Another interesting feature pertains to literacy rate
and the position of woman. Total educated and literates form 18.27%
(male 14.01 % and female 4.26%). In view of large amount of freedom
enjoyed by the Ladakhi women, their literacy is far short of the men. The
point of literacy was specially stressed upon because it is presumed to have
a bearing on social-cultural change.

The author takes full responsibility of any shortcoming in the mono¬
graph. At some places the explanations may not meet all the expectations
of the readers because the author worked under terrible constraints of
hostile climatic conditions, remoteness and linguistic communication.
The author is grateful to Shri T. K. Ghosh who assisted in the filling of
some family schedules.

CONTENTS

Preface

Chapters

1. Ecological and Historical Perspective

2. Ethnic Composition and SociaJ Stratification

3. Family, Lineage and Phasphun

4. Institution of Marriage

5. Status of Woman

6. Birth Rites and Ceremonies

7. Death Rituals and Ceremonies

8. Economic Structure

9. Mechanism of Socio-political Control

10. Religious Attributes

1 1 . Culture Change — A Review
Bibliography

Page

118

137

170

179

Ecological and Historical Perspective

Ladakh has been referred by many names, usually differing in terms
of language and association of the place with the ecology around. A
common Tibetan name of Ladakh is La-tags, though it is also termed as
Maryul or low-land or red-land and Kha-chan-pa or snow-land. This
region has also been mentioned as Kia-chha and Ma-lo-pho by Fa-Hien
and Hiuen Tsang respectively. Some have referred it as the land of
monks and monasteries. It has also been described as an area where
people grow Lamas (monks), yaks, monasteries and devil dancers. Accor¬
ding to Ganpat (1916) some Muslims termed Ladakh as Kufristan which
means “the land of the Pagan”, people of evil customs also because they
drink wine and one woman marries many men.

Ladakh is the most north-western part of India and forms a
district of Jammu and Kashmir State. The Lahaul and Spiti districts
are touching its southern boundaries. Ladakh district is divided into
three Tehsils namely Leh, Kargil and Zanskar (Padam). Lately, however,
Kargil has been carved out as a separate district. The chief valleys are
Leh, Chushul, Rupshu and Changchenme. Extending from south-east
to north-west, through the greater part of Ladakh, is the principal valley
following the course of the Indus. The valleys are not very wide. The
cultivated fields spread out in the depths of the valleys. There are some
streams of lesser extent and size flowing to Indus. The Indus taking off
at Mansarover, and entering Ladakh near Demchock, flows diagonally
towards the north-west. Principal tributaries of Indus are Zanskar, Dras,
Shyok and Shigar. Shyok and its tributary Nubra are fed by the glaciers
in the Karakoram range. Dras is a mighty and imposing river. The
greyish-blue water of Indus rolls while rushing and roaring.

The chief ranges in Ladakh are Zanskar, Karakoram and Ladakh.
These, running from north-west or west to south-east or east, divide the
area laterally into various regions. Ladakh range is north of Leh, the
the headquarter of the district. The important passes in this range are
Chang-La and Khardung-La. The beautiful valleys of Nubra and Shyok
are towards the north of the range. Towards the north and west of Shyok
river is the Karakoram range. Indo-Sinkiang trade route has been
through the famous depression of Karakoram pass. Godwin Austen
peak (28,265 ft.) is the culmination of the flanking masses of Karakoram.
It is said that Karakoram is one range in the world having the largest

THE LADAKHI

number of giant peaks. To the south of Ladakh range lies the Zanskar
range separated by the river Indus. Ladakh, the India’s largest district
and the northern-most part of the Himalayas has the natural boundaries
of Karakoram and Zanskar. The east of Ladakh is bounded by com¬
paratively low hills, most unlike a typical mountainous region. But the
character and nature of terrain change towards west where the valleys
deepen and mountain elevation remains higher. They form, like
the Himalayas, massive ridges where spurs fall steeply into the deep
valleys.

Except a few fertile tracts along the river banks, the rest of the area
has a barren and desolated look. In most of the places and for miles
together nothing appears to break the barrenness of the landscape under
the towering hills. In the thickness of naked and bleak mountains, one
comes across a few snow-capped peaks. Ladakh forms one of the
most elevated areas of the world and there are reported human habitations
ranging from 9,000 to about 15,000 feet above sea level. In the remote
district of Ladakh, there are stony hill roads or bridle paths. Leh-
Srinagar and some other metalled roads have lately been constructed.
The big boulders, terribly steep ascents and dangerous descents make
journey difficult. The snow on the lofty peaks and snow avalanches
on the high passes also pose difficulty. The journey is very monotonous
with gazing at rocks loosened stones and barren hills. The difficult
conditions including frowning weather and freezing cold have fatal con¬
sequences. One can occasionally see patches of snow and glaciated
slopes. In Buddhist Ladakh the rocky points and projections are owned
by the monasteries which dominate the valleys and villages below them.
There are picturesque Chhorten monuments and Manes and these, with
the monasteries, provide silent and abandoned looks. There are bare
mountains and rocky soil. The plain areas are generally sandy.

Major Singh’s description of Ladakh, in a nutshell is worth men¬
tioning. “Ladakh — a land of harsh contradictions where the sub¬
arctic temperatures of the night give way to the blistering heat of the
midnoon sun, the alternating, tangled maze of mountains and the sudden
waterless wastes of sand, dead with an eerie aura of lifelessness that
perhaps exists nowhere else, deep gorges of puple and magenta rock
several thousand feet deep so that they hide the very horizon and hold
nothing but the rushing waters of the Indus, narrow-ribbons of pony-
tracks, rough bridges of poplar trunks which induce vertige instantly
and then, charismatically, an oasis, the mere size of a giant’s palm, bubb¬
ling with industry, the clucking of hens, the nawing of Zhoos, stoned
Kraal of bleating sheep and goats. But above all the smiling human
faces (1969:13)”. Bhanja (1948) while stressing on the physical features of
Ladakh has stated that blades of grass are few and far between. The vast
empty spaces, the brown barren hills, the tracts of loose and crumbling
sand, the cloudless skies, the penetrating light, the wide extremes of
temperature, the scanty rainfall, the dry air, the fierce winds, the low

ECOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

thorny monotonous vegetation ; these are some of the most impressive
features in this cold and elevated tract.

The forbidding climate, remoteness and inaccessibility kept Ladakh
isolated, except for traders, for centuries. Lately, however, there is a
vast communication with Ladakh, even when it has been declared as a
prohibited area. Except when Jojila is blocked with snow, the rest of the
year is marked with regular traffic to and from Ladakh. In normal
weather, the regular air services are maintained between Chandigarh
and Leh, Pathankot and Leh, Srinagar and Leh. The area has been
widely thrown open and connected to outside places, specially after 1960.
Since Ladakh becam? a district of Jammu and Kashmir State after 1947,
lot of efforts have been made to develop the area. But still certain
difficulties are posed because of the district’s vast area — occupying about
70.4% of the total area of the Jammu and Kashmir State, towards the
east of Kashmir valley. According to 1961 Census, the area in Indias
possession is 47,200 square miles. The district is very thinly populated.
The density of population is two persons per square mile— 0.5 per square
mile in Leh and 3.0 per square mile in Kargil.

In Ladakh there has, since many centuries, been marked instance
of linguistic, ethnic and religious integration and tolerance. There has
been simultaneous existence of Baltis, Ladkhis (Bhoto), Tibetans, Dards,
Kashmiris, Argons and some others from the different states of plain
India. Likewise, the languages reported in Ladakh include Ladakhi,
Tibetan, Haiti, Dardi, Gilgiti, Brokpa, Kashmiri, Hindi and lately intro¬
duced English. Likewise, various religions have simultaneously been
existing in Ladakh for centuries. Some blending of religious traits is also
marked. There are now people belonging to Hindu, Muslim, Buddhist,
Christian and Sikh faiths. Certain traits representing linguistic, cultural
and religious fusion among various ethnic groups are also observed.

Ladakh has been on the Central Asian trade route (nearly four
hundred miles long) and, thus, remained open to traders for centuries.
It was the route used when the fourth Buddhist council was held in
Kashmir in the time of Kanishka (125-152 A.D.). Hiuen Tsang also
made use of this route. Central Asian Trade route has been over Jojila
to Leh and then on to Central Asian countries, either via Baltistan or
Yarkand. Leh onwards, there has also been a route to Tibet. Jojila,
the lowest of all the Himalayan passes, has been mostly used for crossing
over to Ladakh. Only the famous army commander, Zorawar Singh,
adopted a different route. He brought his troops through Kishtwar and
via the 17,370 ft. high Umasila connecting Kishtwar with Zanskar sub¬
division of Ladakh. This happened for political reasons. Actually
Kashmir was, at that time, an independent State and Zorawar Singh, from
Jammu, could not make use of it to go via Jojila. There is now a big
network of roads to connect places within the district.

The vast arid tracts make the climate hot in summer. The icy winds
in winter make it very cold. The winter is long and severe. It statrs to-

THE LADAKHI

wards the later half of October and continues till the end of April. The
climate is extremely dry and rigorous. The nights are cold and the days
are warm. The dryness of climate increases with height. Extreme winter
converts the moisture into snow. At the same time there is speedy eva¬
poration by the scorching sun of summer. The air being rarefied does
not offer a strong check to the direct transmission of solar rays. The
more the height, the more poweful are these rays. By the beginning of
the afternoon, the lower strata of the atmosphere gets heated up causing
the start of fast winds which become fainter towards the late evening and
stop by 10.00 p.m. or so. The rarefied air is not capable of holding much
moisture in suspension. And the little it does, is evaporated by great
radiation of heat. It causes dryness of climate and loss of rain and
snowfall. Another hindrance to the rainfall is the opposite direction of
winds to the position of mountains. The scanty showers fall mostly in
early spring and late autumn.

The hill ranges are held responsible for different climatic regions.
The region between Ladakh and the Himalayan range remains bone-dry
because winds, carrying moisture, are stopped by the Himalayan range.
Jojila is the chief barrier to such winds. In Shyok and Nubra region,
the entrance of moisture bearing winds is out of questions. The snow
on certain peaks is because of the precipitation of clouds formed locally
from the rivers and streams. In comparison to others Nubra valley gets
more snow. During early winter months the moisture sometimes turns
into heavy mist. There is heavier snowfall around Pangong lake because
of more humidity caused by lake water.

Breathing difficulties are experinced at higher altitudes. The dry¬
ness of atmosphere causes dehydration making body parts, specially
the exposed ones, leather-like. In high altitudes the ultra-violet rays
are fiercely active and complexion gets darkened with short exposure
to sun-rays. But with prolonged exposure cracks appear on the facial
skin. The dehydration also leads to stomach trouble. Dryness causes
hazard to life, especially making animal and plant life difficult and scarce.
The frost in winter, the dryness, the high velocity winds and melting snows
have caused severe soil erosion and the crumbled hill sides have assumed
weird shapes.

The wild life in Ladakh is rapidly vanishing because of the indiscri¬
minate killing by the non-Ladakhis to get a fresh supply of meat. There
are, however, still found though in less number, red bear, wild goat, snow
leopard, wild horse, Tibetan antelope, gazelle, marmot, ibex, and hares.
Chakor or snow-pheasant and black eagles are also available. On the
banks of the Indus one comes across ducks, teals and swamps of Chachot.
Fish abound in streams. The domesticated animals include goat, sheep,
cow, yak or long haired bull, pony, dog, ass, Zo or Dso, Dso-mo, fowls,
and Drepo which is the male produce between common bull and the
Dso-mo.

Because of a very low rainfall (annual rainfall does not exceed three

ECOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

inches) the vegetation is very spares and scarce. The hills are quite
destitute of all vegetation. The nude mountains do not grow a blade of
grass. The total forest of Ladakh slightly exceeds 0.002% of the total
area. Two varieties of poplar (Sholpoand Byar-pa), willow, pencil
cidar (shukpa) and some kind of tamarisk are indigenous. Willow
abounds in all water sources. The fruit trees found in Ladakh are apple,
apricot, walnut and mulberry. These species of fruit trees grow in the
lower hotter regions, say around Nuria, Saspul, Khaltse and Timagaon.
The valleys are studded with green plantation and the willow and poplar
trees survive on the bank of the rivers to almost a height of 14,000 ft. Sun
flowers, dahlia and Ganda flowers have lately been introduced in villages
around Leh. Forget-me-nots, daisies, anemones and wild canterbury
also grow. Some wild bushes, largely used for fuel and fencing of
fields, grow on the banks of rivers, streams and small water channels.

In certain time period the history of Ladakh is not very illuminating
and one has to be satisfied with patchy accounts available here and there.
For my purpose, I have dealt history in terms of territorial claims, ruling
class and administrative structure.

Because of the frequent changes in the territorial boundaries of
Ladakh, it was realized long back to define it once for all. The treaties
of 1784 and 1842 confirmed the same boundary which was agreed upon
by the representatives of Jammu and Kashmir, the Emperor of China
and Dalai Lama. China, however, unilaterally and forcibly has, since
1957, tried to alter the old boundary limits in Ladakh. In fact, a few
isolated Chinese posts were established on Indian border since 1957
onward challenging thereby the traditional status quo of the boundary.
The road construction in Aksai Chin, an undemarcated portion of Ladakh,
was started by the Chinese in 1950. There was a clash between Indian
border patrols and the Chinese troops in 1958. In October 1959, the Chinese
attacked on an Indian patrol in Ladakh. Nine men were killed and the
rest were taken prisoners. All this was done even when the Chinese were
outwardly annoucing that they have no territorial claims against India.
According to the Chinese, the Line of Actual Control which existed in
November 1959 did include the isolated posts established by them.
According to Kaul (1963) the Line of Actual Control, declared by China,
has a difference of about 8,500 square miles from the real Line of Actual
Control. In February 1961, a joint report in regard to boundary disputes
was prepared by the representatives of India and China. The report,
however, remained incomplete because it largely included the areas of
disagreement. And at the same time the Chinese were not prepared
to discuss anything about Baltistan, the region under the occupation of
Pakistan. Under these conditions the boundaries could not be finally
confirmed and according to Indian claim China continues to be in illegal
occupation of 12,000 square miles of Indian territory.

In 1950, by a Ladakh-Tibetan Treaty, Rudock was added to Tibet.
In 1946 Lahaul and Spiti were annexed to Punjab (now Himachal

l'HE LADAKHI

Pradesh). The boundary changes were also marked in December 1948,
after the Cease Fire agreement between India and Pakistan. Accordingly,
India kept possession of Ladakh and Pakistan occupied Baltistan and
Gilgit. Soon after the division of the country in 1947, Pakistan acquired
some north and north-west parts of Jammu and Kashmir. This led to a
clash between Indian and Pakistani troops. Government of India lodged
a complaint with Security Council whose intervention led to the decla¬
ration of Cease-Fire under which the two countries kept possession of the
areas held by them. Jammu and Kashmir lost 33,000 square miles of
territory after Cease Fire (Census 1961:4). Gilgit district and Gilgiit
Leased Area went to Pakistan. From Ladakh district the biggest Tehsil
of Skardu, with one hundred and ninetyhve villages, and a part of Kargil
(nearly thirtyone villages) went to the other side.

Kaul (1963) has given that the Mons were the first settlers in Ladakh.
They migrated from north India and were later on joined by the Dards of
Baltistan. The latter introduced the game of Polo, and former the
popular musical instruments. The earliest chiefs who governed Ladakh
belonged to the Mon and the Dard. tribes. The habitations of Mons
and Dards were in the central valley of Ladakh. The Kushan and Hun
rulers in Kashmir (from 3rd to 6th century A.D.) treated Ladakh within
their imperial authority. In the middle of the seventh century Ladakh
was subjugated by Songtsen Gampo of Central Tibet. Around 930 A.D.,
Palgigon, the eldest son of Kyide Byimagon ruled Ladakh. At that
time Ladakh was bounded by Ramba on the east, Yarkand on the north
and Jojila on the west. It has been stated by Moorecroft (1837) suppor¬
ted by Cunningham (1970) that Ladakh intially formed a province of
Tibet. For all spiritual matters, the Head Lama of Lhasa governed
Ladakh. There was an independent prince for temporal matters.
Ganhar (1956) however, has not look upon Tibet as its spiritual fountain
head for at least the first six centuries of the Christian era. This was
because Tibet got its Buddhism towards the middle of seventh century
A.D. According to him the Indian monks, including some Kashmiris,
and may be a few Ladakhis, spread the Buddhist faith in Tibet. Around
400 A.D. the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hien took notice of Ladakh and found
Buddhism flourishing there.

The relationship pattern of Ladakh with the neighbouring states is
well represented through political, religious and commercial links. Trade
and commercial ties were with Kashmir and Yarkand, politicaJ relations
with Balti and Rudock and spiritual connections with Lhasa. It was
mainly towards west of Ladakh that the border tension perpetuated
with frequent intervals. When Islam had spread in northern India
some Muslims penetrated beyond Jojila around the middle of 14th
century. In order to establish Kashmir’s sovereignty over Ladakh,
Zainul Abidin (1420-70) invaded Ladakh . The continuous invasions
on Ladakh from Kashmir led to the change of its dynasty. Bhagal
Namgyal founded the new dynasty when he deposed and imprisoned the

ECOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 7

king in 1470. This dynasty continued till Zorawar’s conquest of Ladakh
in 1842. The Muslim rulers of Kashmir again attacked Ladakh in 1553
and 1562 but failed to establish themselves. Chewang Namgyal (1533-
75) gave them a good fight. The same king, with his policy of consoli¬
dation and expansion turned Baltistan and Guge into Vassal States. But
during the course of a fratricidal war in Ladakh, after the death of
Chewang Namgyal, the vassal chiefs revolted. The chief of Baltistan,
Ali Mir, invaded Ladakh and compelled its ruler Jamgyang Namgyal
(1580-90) to marry his daughter. Sengge Namgyal, the issue born out
of this union again made Baltistan and Western Tibet to acknowledge
his authority. Ali Mir took possession of wohle of Ladakh and destroyed
Monastic things, including libraries. Till about 1400 A.D., the history
of Ladakh and Baltistan continued to be bound up together. But later
on when Baltis became Mohammedans, conflicts cropped up.

In 1644 when Manchus came in power in China they instigated
Tibetans for expansion to west. At that time Tibet used to be a vassal
State of China. The Tibetans attacked Ladakh (around 1646) and took
Indus valley in their possession for about three years. Then the king of
Ladakh asked for help from the Mughal Emperor of then India. The
Mughal troops defeated Tibetans in 1650 A.D. at Basgo. Deldan Namgyal
(1640-75) accepted Mughal sovereignty. He accepted Islam, and in 1665
a mosque was built at Leh. Actually the Mughal army helped Ladakh
ruler to retire Mongol-Tibetan army beyond ancient border. Under the
conditions Namgyal started paying annual tribute to the Mughal gover¬
nor of Kashmir. But when Sikhs conquered Kashmir in 1819 Ladakh
snapped its link with it. When Tsepal Mingyur Dondub Namgyal
(1800-34) wanted to transfer his allegiance to the British government,
Gulab Singh the Dogra chief sent his army to take Ladakh in 1834.
Zorawar Singh under the orders of Gulab Singh (the Raja of Jammu),
led six expeditions to Ladakh between 1834 and 1841. He conquered
Ladakh and Baltistan. After Zorawar’s death in 1841, while fighting
against Tibetans, Ladakh again declared its independence. However,
Gulab Singh’s title to Ladakh was confirmed after Anglo-Sikh war of
1845. Since 1947 Ladakh became a part of India after the accession
of Jammu and Kashmir State to Indian union.

In the past the government was administered by the Prime Minister
known as Khalun or Kahlon though there used to be a ruler, king
or emperor, who bore the title of Gyalpo. The affairs were, however,
mostly conducted by Kahlon. All offerings used to be given to the
Gyalpo by the subjects. Kahlon’s positions was almost hereditary
and could be given to any member of Kahlon’s family. The king’s favour
was a major factor in Kahlon’s selection. There was some recognition
to the popularity and ability of person. Then there were petty Gyalpos
and Kahlons called Depons or district chiefs. The district level Kahlons
were also termed as Tan-zuis. These petty Kaholns were identified by their
association with the names of district on which they ruled. The Kahlon

fME LA DA Rill

was assisted by Nuna Kahlon, or deputy, the Lom-pa or chief municipal
and military officer and governor of Leh, the Chug-zat, or treasurer (who
normally happened to be a Lama), the Banka, or master of the horse,
Kharpon, or the commander of fort, Shakspon, or the chief justice and
Khrimpons or the magistrates. At village level, Goba or Mipon (head¬
man of the village) looked after the affairs. Criminal and revenue matters
were directly communicated by Goba to Kahlons and Chug-zat or
Chagsot. Most of these officials were paid through assignment of land
and through claims on the people for contributions of articles of daily
use. The income from imports on merchandise in transit were divided
among the king, Kahlon and the Lim-pa or Lon-po. The major source
of their income, however, remained the trade which they carried on in
shawl, wool and tea.

The Kahlon, Lon-po and Goba were also to furnish armed soldiers
to government whenever required. It has been reported that there was
no regular army in Ladakh. In case of need each family was to supply
one man to act as soldier. The family also managed to feed him during
this deputation. The arms, horse and pony were also supplied by the
family. Kahlons and Gobas were given title of honour for their supply
of troops and the accessories. Thus, there was an armed peasantry in
place of regular army. Since Zorawar’s time some regular army was
raised in Ladakh. In addition, the Goba of every village was bound to
provide a carrier for carrying the mail from his village to the next one.

Featherstone (1926:219) has stated that “The administration of Ladakh
is in charge of Wazir Wazarat. He has little to do* for crime is rare, the
chief complaints being over plots of land and stealing of fuel and trees.
His main function is supervision of trade in the summer months. He
is assisted by subordinates in various districts who are responsible for
helping carabaners and furnishing animals and grains. A British official,
known as the British Joint Commissioner in Ladakh, who resides in Leh
during part of the summer months, looks after the interest of traders and
all matters of importance are placed before him”.

For traders, travellers and sportsmen the State made adequate arran¬
gements. State Kothis, containing grains, were maintained on the Treaty
High Road (Srinagar, Leh and beyond) at Brass, Kargil, Lamayuru,
Saspul, Leh and Panamik. Wheat and Giram were available. The
local shopkeepers at Drass, Kargil and Leh arranged for rice and dais.
Indents, within the entitlement limit, were given to the Kothis by the
needy. The British Joint Commissioner also appointed Parao Thekadars
(contractors) at various places, enroute, to arrange for the supply
of butter, milk, fowls, eggs, sheep, oil, firewood and grass. For all
commodities the parao rates were fixed. Besides this the administration
had introduced Res System for the benefit of traders and travellers. An
account of the Res System, as prevalent in 1931, runs in the sentences
that follow. k Res is a system by which a village or group of villages is
bound to supply transport for certain stages on certain roads. The word

ECOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE 9

transport means and includes men and animals and for carrying passengers
and goods from place to place. There were limits to Res transport for
various station — ponies, Zos and coolies were fixed. Public servants,
bonafide travellers and Central Asian traders were entitled to use Res
transport. The use was confined to personal luggage, in the case of first
two categories and merchandise in the case of traders. A pony carried
two-and-a-half maunds of weight, a coolie carried 35 seers in Summer
and 25 seers in winter. Res transport could be used only on Treaty High
Road. For all purposes of the road transport, arrangement must be made
through local Zaildar. Res register was filled by the user with details.
In case of a large camp staying in a village where there is no regular stage,
its requirements of transport were met in due proportion by the group
of villages to which that village belonged under the Res arrangements.
There were fixed rates, varying from place to place for pony and coolie’.

After Indian Independence when Ladakh became a district of Jammu
and Kashmir State of India, the territory was first politically repssented
by Kushok Rakula (the head of Spituk monastery) when he became
the Minister of Ladakh affairs in Jammu and Kashmir State in 1963.
After that Kushok Bakula was nominated, and later elected too, as a
member of Indian parliament. In addition to Kushok Bakula, Wanggyal
became a Minister in State Legislature. The civil administration of
Ladakh is now headed by the Deputy Commissioner-cum Develop¬
ment Commissioner. For any and every matter, he is directly respon¬
sible to the Chief Minister of Jammu and Kashmir who handles the money
allotted by the Central Government. Besides civil administration, the
military and para-military organisations have also been serving in Ladakh
after 1947.

Ethnic Composition and Social Stratification

Ladakh is represented by two major population groups. The
Ladakhis and other followers of Buddhism are inhabiting Leh and Zans-
kar; while the Muslims are largely concentrated in Kargil. In fact the
Muslims are spread between the Himalayan and the Zanskar ranges,
specially between the Jojila and Fotula depressions. The Indus valley
is populated by the Buddhists.

In Ladakh there has been blending of various population groups.
Some of the Aryans, represented by the Dards and the Mons, got mixed
up with the people of Mongolian origin. Presently the Ladakhis, inclu¬
ding Chanspa of Chang-thang area, and the Baltis represent the Mongo¬
lian element. The Baltis profess Islamic faith and the Ladakhis are
Buddhists. The Dards, the Mons and the Bedas represent the Aryan
element. But because of intermixing, the Mons and the Bedas do not
seem to be categorically distinct from the Ladakhis. The Dards, how¬
ever, do represent, till today, as a different racial group. The Mons
are the Buddhists and the Bedas are usually the Muslims. There are
a few Muslim Mons and Buddhist Beda too. The Mons who opted
for Islam were termed as the Bedas. This derivation, however, does not
seem to hold true in all the cases. Some of the Dardis adopted Buddhist
faith and came to be known as Dogpa or Brogpa. The religion of the
people of Nubra valley has been affected by the religions prevalent in
Sinkiang and Pakistan on the one hand, and Buddhism of Shyok on the
other. Even among the people living in the north of the Ladakh range,
especially in the Nubra valley, some admixture of blood is marked.
There is some resemblance to the Turkish physical features.

More elaborately the Ladakhi population is categorised into the
following distinct groups :

1. Ladakhi or Bhoto, Boto, Bhautta, Bodh, Bodpa

2. Mon (Masician — flute player)

3. Gara (Ironsmith)

4. Beda (Musician — Drum player)

5. Muslims, including Balti, Kashmiri and Argons

6. Chanspa or Changpa (Pastoralists of highland)

7. Christians

8. Hindus belonging to various caste groups

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

9. Sikhs

10. Dogpa or Brokpa

1 1 . Dard

12. Tibetans (lately colonized in Ladakh)

Some of these groups follow specific occupation, the rest have more
than one occupation. Within the ethnic heterogeneity of Ladakh, the
Mons and the Dards are regarded as the earliest inhabitants. They
were followed by the people from Tibet, Baltistan and Central Asia.
Now almost every Buddhist village, of an average size, has one or two
families of the Mon, the Gara and the Beda. They are treated, by others,
as socially inferior. The Garas are blacksmiths and the Mons and the
Bedas are the musicians. A few beggar Bedas have also been observed.
The Mons are considered as the descendants of an Indian tribe of
colonists associated with early Buddhist missionaries.

The word Ladakhi does not refer to any and every inhabitant of
Ladakh. It does signify a specific ethnic group. Ladakhi apart, the
other synonyms of this ethnic group are Bhot, Bod, Bodh, Bot-pa,
Bhautta or Bota. And it is chiefly on this group that this study is
focused. The word Bhot, in fact, refers to Buddhist Tibetans. When
this nomenclature is applied to the inhabitants beyond Jojila, it reflects
that these people have originally migrated from Tibet. Some of my
informants from Spituk village have informed that their ancestors came
from China. And those who came initially were not the Buddhists.
The immigrants adopted Buddhism in later years. The statement sup¬
ports that the Ladakhis came to Ladakh prior to the spread of Buddhism
in the area. Differing from above is the version of another group of
Ladakhi informants who profess that their ancestors came from Mongolia
and Tibet between 500 to 600 A.D. In support of this explanation,
people say that the Ladakhis living towards Kargil are still termed as
Pot-rik, meaning Tibetan generation. It shows that they are the
descendants of Tibetans. Cunningham gives Mongolian origin of the
Ladakhis and states that they now differ from Mongolian because of
the admixture of Hindu blood, especially the mixture with the Caucasian
race of India. The intermixing of Ladakhis with the Muslim has also
been reported. The Ladakhi women embraced Islamic faith after
marrying the Muslims.

With high and prominent cheek bones, the Ladakhis have broad
and flat faces. Some obliquity is marked in the eyes having an epican-
thic fold. The mouth is large with prominent lips. The nostrils are
quite wide and the nose is broad as well as flat. The colour of the eyes
is black to brown. They have scanty hair growth. The head hair are
straight to slight wavy. Women are short statured but the men have a
medium height. Some are tall also. The Ladakhis are sturdy but not
very mascular. Their actions involving physical exertion are slow. This

THE LADAKHI

is in adjustment with the high altitude and lack of oxygen. Breathless¬
ness is caused if the actions are fast.

The dialect of the Ladakhis is called Ladakhi and it is most akin
to Tibetan. Bodhi is their written language and this is little different
from Tibetan and is a mixture of Tibetan and Ladakhi. Printing of a
monthly journal in Bodhi, known as “Ladakh News” was started in
1903 by the people of Moravian mission in Leh. The language of the
Ladakhis is associated with Tibeto-Burmese family. Instance of admix¬
ture of Hindi and English is also reported.

The Ladakhis are very cheerful people and try to make any event
as gaiety. This cheerfulness is manifest in their singing, dancing and
drinking Chang, a mild intoxicant. For recreation and amusement
the men and the women sing and dance. This is usually done in groups.
Dancing is considered as good quality of a person, and is regarded as
favourite pastime. It may be mentioned that in olden days the king’s
gloom was also dispelled by Takchos or dancing females. Such females
represented good families and felt proud of their dancing skill. With
their known hospitality, the Ladakhis are quite friendly, simple and
docile. Their account of simplicity, as given by Major Singh, is worthy
of mention. “The simplicity of Ladakhi is so naive and unaffected
that one is both amused and drawn spontaneously to him”. Perhaps
the best illustration of this charming trait is provided by a remark of an
American Journalist I read in 1963. A Ladakhi father had taken his
children to the Leh airfield to show them and indeed see for himself, the
plane land and take off. They saw a packet land, unload its cargo of
two jeeps and take off again. The jeeps were driven away across the
landing strip. The father was heard remarking to his children, “My
sons, these two babies (jeeps) too will grow wings and then one day fly
off like their mother, yonder” (1969:13). Their love for hospitality
is reflected when they quickly refill your cup of Chang or Our Gur (tea)
as soon as you take a sip out of the filled cup.

They are not offensive and have been tolerant and accommodating
people from other religious faiths. The instances of marriage between
Muslims and Ladakhis are many. Patience and tolerance are insepara-
table from Ladakhi way of life. The Ladakhis are honest and truthful.
Lately, however, some change in regard to their honesty, truthfulness and
telerance have been marked. Their passion for peace and straight¬
forwardness have partly been adversely affected after the closer contact
with the outsiders. The Ladakhis, however, continue to be mild and
frank in the more isolated localities. Good-tempered, the Ladakhis
maintain their laugh even in certin adverse circumstances. They are
comparatively poor but at the same time willing. Most of them believe
in having minimum wants and necessities of life. Barring some, the
rest are contented with whatever little material possession they have.

People are free of untouchability. They are very social beings
and avail of any opportunity in which Chang is used. Another charac-

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

teristic of the Ladakhis is that they normally do not stick to fixed hours
or parts of the day for most of their activities. Those in employment
have started becoming regular. Others eat and drink any time. In
fact most of the time one finds them eating and drinking. The Ladakhis
are very fond of gossiping. In winter, when outside activities are
curtailed, they keep on gossiping inside the house. Most of them do
not smoke. They are, however, fond if taking snuff in leisure hours.
Tobacco smoking is considered as vice. A few, specially those in regular
employment, have started smoking cigarette. Common man apart, the
Lamas also make use of snuff. They find it stimulant and exchange pinch
of snuff when meet each other.

The Ladakhis are fond of archery and often organize competitions
for the same. The competition is turned into a festive occasion when the
participants, and even others, consume lot of Chang and Gur Gur. The
competition, accompanied by loud music, provided by the Mon and
Beda, continues for the whole day, or even for two days. The funds
used on the occasion are raised from the participants. Prizes, in cash,
are given to the winners. A part of the amount is given to the musi¬
cians. The Lamas also organize archery competitions which close
with group singing and dancing.

The systematic organization of Darsis (archery competition) is in
itself an interesting feature. It includes amusement, entertainment,
competition, outing, community feeling, unity, and the break of mono¬
tony in life. A day is fixed by Narpu, the organizer of archery. Some
contributions, in cash, are raised from all the probable participants. The
subscription money is used for giving away the prizes to the winners as
well as for providing Chang and Gur Gur. The place, which is usually
an open space in or around the village, and the day of the competition
are then announced. The villagers turn up in high spirits with bows
and arrows. On this occasion the ladies and gents are nicely dressed.
A target to hit the arrow is then fixed in a sand heap. This target is
normally a small cardboard piece attached to the head of a wooden stick
fixed in the sand. A line on the ground is then marked at a distance
of 10 to 15 yards from the target. All the bows and arrows are kept
near this line. The competition is between the individuals, as also
between the teams. Fixed number of chances are given to each individual
to hit the target. An experienced man is appointed as referee. He
informs the recorder about the correct and accurate hits. The game of
archery starts around 10.00 a.m. and continues till sun set. The parti¬
cipants keep on sipping Chang and Gur Gur as and when required.
Towards the close of the competition the men and the women dance with
loud singing. Such a group dance marks the end of function.

The archery competitions are organized even by the religious persons.
After Lumb-rim worship, the Kushok (head of monastry) and Lamas of
Spituk Gompa (monastery) organized archery competition for two days
during the course of my fieldwork. The Kushok, Lochos, inaugurated

THE LADAKHI

it by shooting first arrow at the target. So long as the Kushok sat there,
he initiated for all the rounds of competition. A Mon and a Beda were
operating on the traditional music. Some villagrs, including the Kotwal,
were helping the Lamas in the preparation of Gur Gur and food. My
entry and participation in the function were also allowed and appreciated
by the Kushok and other Lamas. I happened to know most of them as
I was staying and working in that village. The religious men were
sitting in line, keeping in view their religious seniority, with table in front
of each, having cups of Gur Gur and some other eatables. A few villa¬
gers, especially the prominent ones, also participated after seeking per¬
mission from Kushok. For both the days, the dancing and singing
were arranged towards the close of the competition. The religious
persons arranged their sitting and dancing separate from the common
village folks. During day time too, the Lamas sat on a slightly raised
platform a bit separate from general public. At times the Lamas did some
dramatic gestures to provide humour to the spectators. Every partici¬
pant who hit the target was given prize; the amount varying from time
to tim?. Out of cash prize, the winner gave rupees five to Dum Dum-
walas (musicians). The occasion was full of fun and laughter.

The Argons or Argands originated from Kashmiri Muslim father
and Ladakhi mother. Such alliances took place in Leh where Kashmiri
Muslims came for trade and commerce. Some, however, explain that
the Argons have not only descended from Kashmiri Muslim fathers but
are mixed breed of Indian state soldiers and other male traders who kept
the Ladakhi females as temporary wives also. According to Hedin (1910),
a Yarkandi father and Lamaist mother’s union produced a race, called
Argon distinguished by extraordinarily well developed mascular stature.
His single parentage version does not seem to be correct. While writing
about Argons, Featherstone (1926:213) has stated that “They are the
result of a cross between a Turkestan father and a Ladakhi mother. They
have a kind of monopoly of the transport of goods between Leh and
Yarkand. They are said to be increasing in numbers as they have a
home both in Yarkand and Leh, with a wife or two in each place. The
fact of a Ladakhi woman pairing with Turcoman trader during the
trading season appears to carry with it no stigma. This comparative
looseness of the marriage tie is shown more particularly in the system
of fraternal polyandry”.

In the villages around Leh, where the Argons are largely concentra¬
ted, it was observed that the dress, houses, language and economy of the
Argons are exactly like the Ladakhis. In certain ceremonies, observed
by the Buddhists, the Argons participate in the same style as the other
Ladakhis do. Such participation was specially observed in Nang-Dun,
a ceremony observed after the birth of a child in Sabu village. In the
ceremonial sphere of Ladakhis, where the Argons participate, the former
do reciprocate. Such situtions mark fusion of Islamic and Buddhist
cultural traits.

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATiFi CATION

The Chanspa (also known as Chanpa or Changpa) are herders and
lead a nomadic life. They domesticate goats and sheep. These tent-
dwellers lead a very hard life and keep on migrating according to weather
conditions and availability of pasturage for the animals. The Chanspas
also keep the horses, mules, yaks and dogs. Their nomadic cycle is
confined to the south-east of Ladakh. While mobile, the Chanspas ride
on horse back and use sheep, mules and yaks as pack animals. Apart
from cattle breeding, the trade is also a source of earning. 1 happened to
meet some Chanspas between Dungti and Demchok and observed that
they maintain very unhygienic condition. Bearing long head hair, the
Chanspas are quite strong. In the solitude of high hills, their animals
are their best company. The Chanspa nomads are basically pastoralists
and are the closest friends of nature. Featherstone stresses on a
close ethnic association of Chanspas with Ladakhis. According to him
“the Chanspas are a class of Ladakhis who are nomads and follow
pastoral pursuits in the uplands which are too high for cultivation”
(1926:180).

The Dards live in a few villages in the lower Indus valley, especially
around Hanu-Dah. They remain under dirty and unhygienic conditions.
It is believed by them that if they use water for bathing and washing
purposes their deity would get annoyed and. cause harm to them. The
water, they believe, is meant only for drinking. For Dards, the drinking
of cow’s milk and eating of eggs is taboo. The cow is held, in abho¬
rrence. Even the butter is not produced by them. At night they do not
use light in their houses. The darkness is believed to be preferred by
the deity. The Dards depend on agriculture. Within the bounds of
religious fear, the Dards continue to maintain their age-old customs,
traditions and manneis. While greeting each other they twirl their hats
in front of them. The girls are allowed to have friends and the latter
are represented by needles lianing in their hats. Some of the Dards have
adopted Buddhist faith and consequently termed a Brogpas or Dogmas.
Many of the Dards became Muslims and adopted Islamic way of life.
The Dards of Da, however, continue to retain originality in most of their
life-designs. Among Dards the women are marked with sun bonnets
and Nordic features. Some of the Dards whom I met in Leh, when
they had come there on short trip, were having rosy cheeks, with lot of
dirt on them. Each woman had as many as ten to fifteen hair plates
hanging all around the cheeks and the neck. They are free in thier
movements, though not indulging indiscriminate mixing. With their
typical hair-do, dress and physical features, the Dards could be easily
distinguished in the crowd of Leh.

Social Stratification

All the four villages studied by me are predominantly Buddhist.
Ladakhi apart the other Buddhist population in these villages is represen-

TH£ LADAKffI

ted. by the Ga ra, Mon and Beda. Except Kuyul, each of the other three
villages is having one family each of Gara, Mon and Beda. In Spituk,
Sabu and Thiksay live a small number of Baltis and Argons. Though
small in number, these five ethnic groups have had, since past, a specific
relationship not only among themselves but also with the dominant
Ladakhis. Set customary norms of behaviour and inter-relationship
exist, and the same are reflected in different ways of life. Some of these
groups are also characterised by a definite social hierarchy. These
groups apart some Tibetan refugees have lately been settled near Spituk
and Sabu and they too are treated by the Ladakhis in a specific way.
For centuries the Ladakhis are living together with Gara, Mon, Beda,
Balti and Argon. Simultaneous to the inequality and stratification in
social positions of various groups, the village community involves
interdependence among the members of these groups. The social hierarchy
of the village community is as under :

Buddhist

1. Ladakhi or Bhoto, Boto, Bhautta etc. (Also known as Mangric)

2. Gara I

3. Mon > Also known as Dolba

4. Beda )

Muslim

1 . Balti

2. Argon

The Ladakhis are agriculturists and the animal husbandry men.
They are in the stream of peasantry though, in the past, they were involved
in trading with Central Asian countries, Yarkhand and Kashmir. Some
of them also go in for carpentry and masonary works. After 1947,
when Government of India created additional employment avenues, many
Ladakhis have joined services. Under the massive programmes of
development of Ladakh there is great scope for labour employment. The
Bhoto men and women are seen working, usually as unskilled labourers,
in various construction sites. They rear various kinds of animals and
own big herds of cattle, especially of sheep and goats. Some people
are involved in tending cattle to high-lands in summer. In winter they
come down to low-lands. Such a mobility is conditioned by the avai¬
lability of pastures for the cttle. While mobile they live in tents which
they carry along. Some of the animal products help to enrich the Ladakhi
diet. Next to Gompa, the Bhotos are the chief owners of cultivable land.
But still there are some landless Ladakhis who depend on ohter means
than the agriculture.

The Garas have been doing blacksmithy. They continue to prepare
and provide all kinds of iron implements and tools to the needy villagers.

fit H NIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

Some of them also own land and do agriculture as a subsidiary occupa-
pation. The Ladakhis consider Gara as socially low because of the
blacksmithy profession. In Tibet too, from where the Ladakhis are
believed to have come, a blacksmith ranks lower. Between Gara and
other ethnic groups in the village there is a specific kind of relationship
involving rendering of service and returns. It does, to some extent,
resemble the Jajmani (patron-client) system of caste society of plain
India. For any iron tool or implement, to be made from Gara, the
needy ones supply the iron. The workmanship is provided by the Gara,
and for which he gets the traditionally prescribed remuneration in cash
as well as kind. Under the system, as prevalent in Spituk, a Gara makes
and repairs various iron implements throughout the year for the families
whom he serves. He also provides, locks and keys. In return, he gets
seven to .fifteen seers of wheat from each family he serves. More of
it is given after the harvesting is over, and the rest before the start of
sowing. At times the Gara is also given butter. In addition a Gara
also receives Bojha (headload of fodder) from every family for whom
he makes and repairs iron implements. On the occasion of a worship
organized in a Ladakhi house, the Gara, Mon and Beda do attend. They
are served meals over there, and while returning each of them is given
a bag of Sattu (flour of baked wheat and barley). One bag weighs about
a kilogramme. On the day of Losar, a Ladakhi festival, the Gara supplies
iron needles to each family he serves and gets food in return and about
a kilogramme of Sattu. When a child is born in a family the Gara is
given two seers of Sattu. In marriage he gets food and Sattu.

The Mons and Bedas are professional musicians. They have been,
for centuries, playing on flutes and drums. Musical performance is a
prerequisite to certain celebrations connected to Ladakhi life and culture.
By and large the Mons and Bedas are landless and work as labourers
whenever they find themselves free from giving musical performance. A
few of the Mons own small acreage of cultivable land. Some are also
engaged in carpentry. A few of the Bedas, specially the landless ones,
depend on begging . As beggars they move from village to village. Such
beggars are mostly the Buddhist Bedas who move with their tents and
stop at a place convenient to their requirements. They keep dogs and
pack animals, usually the donkeys. The Mons are permanently settled
and thinly scattered, having one or two families in each village. The
land-owning Mons do not cultivate it themselves. Rather, they get it
cultivated by a Bhoto who is in possession of resource for the purpose.
On most of the occasions the musicians, in attendance, are served Gur
Gur, Chang, and food. Money is given only in the occasions of marriage
and birth. A main source of income to a Mon musician is the annual
gift which he receives from all the peasant families after the harvesting
of crops is over. Depending upon the economic status each peasant
famaly spares two to five seers of wheat, Grim or barley for the Mon
family. This act is more or less obligatory for the Ladakhis, and is done

THE LADAKHI

in recognition of the services of Mon. On the occasion of Losar the Mon
offers an arrow to the male and a spinner to the female of all the families
he serves. These articles are offered only to the senior members who
reciprocate through the offering of food and Sattu. During the course
of Gyud, a dance performed at the time of marriage, the Mon and Be da
musicians get rupees two to three after every round. At the start of
sowing of crops the Goru songs are sung by the Mons and Bedas. These
songs are sung in praise of the cultivators, livestock and the crops. In
return they get two kilogrammes of grain from each family. After
harvesting the Mon and Beda visit all Ladakhi families and provide
Larango music. They are given grain and salt on the occasion. After
a death the Mon and Beda are offered two kilogrammes of Sattu
each.

Dun a birth ceremony is a major occasion of earning for Mon and
Beda. They not only get grain but also a cash award of rupees five each,
after every round of Dun dance. The Mon and Gara provide music
even to Argon and Balti and are suitably rewarded.

Most of the Baltis and the Argons are agriculrists. They own land
more or less on equal footing with the Ladakhis. Some got into regular
employment. There are still others who survive on labour job. Except
religion their life-ways are akin to the Ladakhis. The Baltis, however,
consider the Argons as socially inferior. This is attributed to the latter’s
outcome from Muslim father and Ladakhi mother. They are, in fact,
not taken as pure Muslims. At times the Ladakhis and Argons share
each other’s ceremonial life. It may be mentioned that religuous drifts
on the part of Ladakhis have been frequent and the people, in the past,
did tolerate them without being perturbed. Many Ladakhis turned
Muslims and vice-versa. Ali, a Muslim from Spituk, married a Buddhist
girl and embraced Buddhism. He continues to be treated like any other
Buddhist. All his sons have married in Ladakhi Buddhist families. It
could also be reported that members of a family follow different religious
faiths even while staying together in the same house. They work together
enjoying the liberty of cultivating individual religious faith. In Thiksay
two real brothers, one Christian and another a Buddhist, were observed
living together. They share a common kitchen and eat together. If
a Buddhist, turned Christian, does not find a Christian girl to marry
he can go for a Buddhist girl. The Buddhists do not take the act with
any seriousness, knowing that the Christian families are only few and do
not have enough girls of maniageable age. There is no compulsion on
the girl to beocme Christian after she marries a Christian boy.

Areas of social differentiation

In the village layout no definite places have been marked for the
members of different ethnic groups. It is not that the Ladakhis, being
socially higher in position, would occupy a particular section where none

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

other would be accommodated. I could observe Mon’s house near
to that of a Ladakhi. Also the house of a Gara, in Spituk, is centrally
located and surrounded by those of the Ladakhis. The position is, thus,
not like a multicaste village of plain India where, in most of the cases,
various sections are typically marked by the specific caste groups. The
village layout is independent of religious consideration too. The houses
of a Balti and a Bhoto, in Spituk, are just adjoining to each other. How¬
ever, a common pattern, which symbolises the social superiority of the
Ladakhis over others, is that the houses of the Bhotos are nearer to the
Gompa (monastery). In general the houses, belonging to others than
the Ladakhis , are built little away from Gompa.

A Ladakhi, being socially superiormost in Buddhist order of village
community, describes the positions of Gara, Mon and Beda through an
analogy with arrow. A Gara’s position is comparable to the ironhead
of an arrow; a Mon’s to the thread work, in between iron-head and the
shafty, and the Beda’s position as equivalent to the shaft, the last portion
of the arrow.

There is no customarily proposed taboo for entry into houses belong¬
ing to any group. But in actual practice some people express reluctance.
I could observe that the members from higher group were usually reluc¬
tant to enter into the houses of Gara, Mon and Beda. My interpreter,
in Spituk, was a Ladakhi and I could, at times, smell his unwillingness
to accompany me to the house of Gara, Mon and Beda. He would prefer
to stand outside their residence. Even the Gara, Mon and Beda were
least eager to take me, and my interpreter, inside their houses. This
was not because their houses were shabby. Those owning better houses
were also reluctant, largely out of their inferior social status. The latter
feeling also made them hesitant to offer me, and my interpreter, Chang
or Gur Gur. Contrary to Spituk my interpreter in Thiksay was a Mon.
He would not straight enter into any Ladakhi house. He stopped till
the owner called for it. Further, the Gara, Mon and Beda would always
wish a Ladakhi first by uttering Zu-Zu (style of wishing). The Ladakhis
do not prefer to have a Gara, Mon and Beda teacher in their school
because their children, in that case, will have to say Zu-Zu to him. The
Gara Mon and Beda social inferiority is more conspicuous in certain
spheres.

On the occasion of a worship or feast, organized by a Ladakhi family,
invitees are made to sit according to a fixed pattern. This order is tradi¬
tionally fixed in the light of the positions assigned to the individuals and
the groups to which they belong. For instance the positions, marked as
superior in the order of arrangement, would be occupied by the Ladakhis
alone. Next, in order, would come the Gara who would then be followed
by the Mon and Beda respectively. Even the serving of food is regulated
in the same process. The Ladakhi tables kept in front of the invitees
are of different sizes. The biggest, in size is kept in front of the Ladakhi,
if Lamas are not there in the feast. The size of the tables then gradually

THE LADAKHI

decreases while coming to Gara. The Mons and the Bedas are not
served on the tables. Generally they receive food either in the hands
or on some leaf, or in their personal utensils which they carry. It may
be mentioned that the traditional pattern of sitting is not strictly observed
in any other gathering of the villagers. For instance when the villagers
gather to see a documentary film or a drama they may sit wherever they
find convenient. But the privilege of acting as spokesman on the occasion
again goes to the Ladakhis. When any dignitory visits the village the
Bhotos come forward to receive. The Gara, Mon and Beda quietly
retreat. Also, as a norm of their relationship the former are never
interrupted by the latter during the course of a discussion. Normally
the Gara, Mon and Beda keep quiet and this speaks of their submi¬
ssiveness to the superior group of Bhotos. Such an order of precedence
was confirmed more than once during the course of my stay in Ladakhi
villages.

In regard to commensal relations the avoidance of inferiors is not
that sharply defined within the traditional framework. A Ladakhi can
dine in the house of a Gara, Mon and Beda. There are no customary
norms to prevent him in taking food in the houses of socially inferior
people. But in actual practice the Ladhkis avoid to eat with one of
the other pretence, in a Mon or Beda house. But they easily join a Gara.
The restriction is not for food but for the container in which it is served.
A common container cannot be used by the members of all the groups.
They have to be served in separate utensils. Some of the Ladakhis have
stated that they can eat in the houses of Mon and Beda if the food served
to them is cooked by the Ladakhis. The Gara, Mon and Beda join in all
the feasts arranged by the Ladakhis. On such occasions, the Mon and
Beda either bring their own containers, or manage otherwise. Nor¬
mally, a Ladakhi family does not provide them containers. The Balti
and Argon are treated at per with the Ladakhis. A Ladakhi can eat in
the houses of Balti and Argon and vice versa. The commensal inter¬
action is more frequent between Ladakhi and Argon than between Ladakhi
and Balti. The rules governing eating reflect on smoking too. The
number of smokers is, however less in Buddhist society of Ladakhi. Smo¬
king, under the religious cover, is regarded as a vice. A Ladakhi smoker
does not circulate the same cigarette to a Gara, Mon or Beda. He rather
restricts it among the Ladakhis. The same form of restriction is imposed
in the matter of drinking Chang and Gur Gur. The Gara, Mon and
Beda can share a drink with Ladakhi, but not in the same cup. The
application of rule is more severe for Mon and Beda. While sharing a
drink they do sit together but with their respective cups. Same is
repeated with the Argon and the Balti. The Baltis do not consume
Chang. But some of the Argons do take it. The impositions are, thus,
quite akin to the caste society. But the Ladakhis are not that right.
Members from all the groups make use of the common drinking water
source. Neither anyone is deined the use of this source, nor they have

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

different springs for different groups. So much so that anybody reaching
the spring first is given the first chance. It is not that a Ladakhi gets
priority over others.

In the formation of Phasphun (it refers to a group of families whose
members help each other in the event of a birth or death) the social
inequality is taken into account. The Ladakhis will have a Phasphun
represented by their families alone. A Gara can never join a Ladakhi
as his Phasphun member. Even if there is only one family of Mon in the
village his Phasphun would consist of the families of Mons belonging to
other villages. He is never allowed to have a Ladakhi or Gara or Beda
Phasphun.

In the sphere of connubial relations the custom demands of each
group to be endogamous. No regular marriage can be contracted bet¬
ween the members of two different groups. It is exactly akin to the
characteristic of caste. Coustomarily the marital alliances are not appre¬
ciated outside one’s own group. But at the same time some couples are
found representing different groups. Such unions are not the outcome
of regular marriages. Rather, they are the result of friendship deve¬
loped between the members belonging to different groups. When a
boy and a girl, from two different groups, develop friendship they decide
to live together as husband and wife. In most of such cases the girl is
from a socially superior group. The male members from Ladakhi group
do not aspire for the females of Gara, Mon and Beda. They are not
even easily attracted by the Argon and Balti females. The Ladakhi
females have been taken, as wives, by the Muslims, though not through
the normal marriage procedures. A Ladakhi female, after marrying
a Gara, would become Gara for all practical pruposes. Some of the
Gara informants have stated that their marriage celebrations are suppre¬
ssed by the Ladakhis. The latter do not appreciate a better display of
dances and dresses in Gara, Mon and Beda marriages. The idea involved
is to keep Gara, Mon and Beda at a lower footing than that of the
Ladakhis. A Gara wearing better clothes or riding a better horse would
upset a Ladakhi who would comment that the fellow is trying to forget
his traditional position. He may, at times, be even asked to live like
a commoner. The Ladakhis do not like the social elevation of Gara,
Mon and Beda. At times their coming up is hindered. For instance
when Phiang, a Gara, got employment in Indian Tibet Border Police,
the Goba (a Ladakhi village headman) and other elderly Ladakhis of
the village approached the authorities to cancel his appointment. The
argument, put forward, was that with his appointment nobody would be
left in the village to do ironsmithy. The members of dominant group
feel that the artisan groups should continue to serve them as before.

Anyone irrespective of his group affiliation, can express sorrow over
the death of a person. A dead body is cremated by the Ladakhi as well
as by the Mon, Gara and Beda. The Muslim Bedas, however, bury it. The
cremation ground is not common for all. Usually the Phasphuns share

THE LADAKHI

a common crematorium. At the time of death, families from all the
groups utilize the services of Lamas. The latter are not meant for
Ladakhis alone. But then the social position again counts in the matter
of carrying the dead body. The Ladakhis do not help carrying the dead
body of a person belonging to any group lower than them. Thus, a Bhoto
would never carry the dead body of a Gara, Mon and Beda. According
to the principle followed, the dead body of a person can be carried to the
cremation ground only by the men of the dead man’s group, or by those
who occupy a socially lower position than the one of dead. In the absence
of members from the same group the Ladakhi may, however, help to
carry the dead body even if it belongs to a lower social group. This is
however, rare and unusual.

The entire Buddhist population, including La.dakhi, Gara, Mon,
Beda and Tibetans, have access to Gompa. All can worship the gods
and goddesses housed therein. In tune with the Ladakhis, the Mon
and the Beda do make offerings and are free to consult Lamas and Kushok
as and when required. The Lamas visit their houses to perform worship.
The religious protection is equally shared. With all this the religion
has again denied one privilege, enjoyed by the Ladakhis, to the socially
inferior groups of Gara, Mon and Beda. The Ladakhis and others meet
differential treatment in the selection of Kushok (head of monastery) as
well as in the formation of Lamas (monks) and the Chomos (nuns). The
Ladakhi children can become Lamas and Chomos. But the Mon, Gara
and Beda, of the same village, are not allowed this concession. Kushok
from the socially inferior group has never been heard of. Even if a Mon
is willing to make his son Lama he is not allowed to do so. In spite of
their sharing a common Gompa and a common religious faith, the
members of the socially inferior groups have been deprived of the con¬
cession. In almost every house there is a worship room and anyone, from
any of the groups, can enter into it. For this purpose the entry into the
house of a Ladakhi is not blocked for Gara, Mon and Beda. That a
Ladakhi alone can become a Lama or Chomo is itself a point of
superiority for him.

Another feature, more like the caste characteristic, is that the
Ladakhi’s social superiority is also explained on the basis of occupation.
The Ladakhis’ who are basically agriculturists and animal husbandrymen,
regard blacksmithy as a low profession. The Garas, who are black¬
smiths, have thus, been given a lower social status. Likewise those who
play music are underrated. Except in case of a few the traditional
professional set-up continues to be intact. Lately some artisan families
have switched on to agriculture and labour. Many of them now work
as civilian labourers in army organisations. This kind of job is also done
by the Ladakhis. But even under new set-up a Mon plays on drum
whenever he finds time. Likewise the Beda acts as flute player and Gara
as blacksmith. The Ladakhis still treat Gara, Mon and Beda as serving
class who serve them whenever required.. On certain occasions it is

LtHNIC COMPOSITION and SOCIAL stratification

obiligatory for Gara, Mon and Beda to serve the Ladakhis — a system
more akin to caste Hindus. For the service rendered they get the pres¬
cribed remuneration in cash or kind. The instance of professional
change, marked in recent years, has neither affected the social positions
of various groups nor their role-system. The Ladakhis are of the opinion
that the affiliation with a particular group is determined by birth and
not by his change of occupation.

Gara, Mon and Beda inferiority is again reflected in the celebration
of festive occasions at village or inter-village level. Only the Ladakhis
dominate the scene in respect of participation. The people from the
socially inferior groups do come but chiefly as observers. The archery
competition is quite a popular festive occasion. Most of the villagers
gather to participate. But the Mon, Gara and Beda are not permitted
to shoot an arrow. Nobody would prefer to join their team. The
Argons and the Baltis are, however, allowed to shoot. They are also
allowed to share all jokes and fun. In certain other functions if at all
the members from other groups, than the Ladakhis are allowed to par¬
ticipate they are given the roles rated as inferior and which the Ladakhis
themselves would, not be keen to perform. For instance, the perfor¬
mance of music, symbolised with inferiority, is always assigned to the
Mon and Beda. Sitting in one corner, slightly far off they play on their
instruments as and when required. The right of full participation is
denied even to the Garas who are rated as next to the Bhoto. In sacred
dramas and dances, which pave way to cultural transmission and provide
entertainment, only the Lamas participate. Indirectly, this is again the
privilege of Ladakhis because it is only they who can become the Lamas.
Where sitting arrangement is made a due recognition is given to the status
of the group. If it is a religious function the Lamas sit first. And if
it is secular one the first position is occupied by the descendants of nobles
the Kahlons, followed by Goba, elderly persons from Bhoto group, the
Gara, Mon and Beda. The Baltis and the Argons sit separately.

In spite of the fact that the Gara, Mon and Beda form integral part
of village community they are not given any position in leadership hier¬
archy. Their say in matters connected to socio-political control of the
village is minimum. The Ladakhis provide social control mechanism
and the rest adhere to the same. In all the villages the leadership continues
to be in the hands of Ladakhis. The Goba and the Members (sectional
heads) are the agencies controlling life in the village. These positions,
filled through selection, have always been denied to Gara, Mon and
Beda. The latter being in minority, are not in a position to assert for
any position. A support to Ladakhi, in the context of village leadership,
is the Gompa with which the village is attached. The Gompa orga¬
nization, especially the Kushok and Chag-zot (the treasurer) have a say
in the selection of Goba. As the Gompa hierarchy is always represented
by the Ladakhis, they prefer to have a Ladakhi headman of the village.

Most of the Ladakhis consider Argons and Baltis as equal to them

Tfffe LADAKHtt

in social status. The latter’s rating as equal to the Ladakhis is accepted
in spite of their professing Islamic faith. Marriages between Ladakhi,
Argon and Balti are traditionally forbidden. But they do eat in each
other’s house (exception being some Baltis who do not eat in the houses
of Ladakhis). There is no bar to their entry into the houses; the Argon
and the Balti can even enter into the kitchen of a Ladakhi. The Muslims,
however, avoid their entry into the worship room and the Gompas of
Ladakhis. In functions and on other occasions they can join. But
their participation in Ladakhi functions is not much. For any event of
social control at village level they normally submit to the leadership of
Ladakhis. Because of their belonging to a different religion, the Argon
and. the Baltis do not become the Lamas and the Chomos. Otherwise,
in normal life they freel y mix with each other. Many of the Ladakhi
girls are married to the Muslim men. A regular marriage, however, is
forbidden with the Muslim. When a Ladakhi girl and Muslim boy
develop friendship they decide to live as husband and wife. In most of
such cases the girl adopts Islam. Cases have also been reported where the
boy, after such union, adopted Buddhism. Converts of this kind are
treated as equal to the Ladakhis for all practical purposes. Even such
families enjoy superiority over the Gara, Mon and Beda. As an example,
a Muslim 4X’ from Spituk village married a Ladakhi girl. With the
efforts of Kushok this man adopted Buddhism. All his sons were later
on married to Ladakhi girls. Their participation in other Buddhist
ceremonies is like any other Ladakhi. With Kushok’s effort the man
was also allotted some land for cultivation. The Baltis maintain their
social superiority over Argons. A few of the Baltis regard their social
status as the highest in the village. Thus, the Balti family of Spituk does
not believe in having more relationship with even the Bhotos of the village.
The members of this family consider the Ladakhis inferior in religion
as well as social grading. At the most they accept dry Sattu from the
Ladakhis. Anything cooked by the Ladakhis is not acceptable to them.
On the other hand the Ladakhis do not mind eating in a Balti house.

The Ladakhis do not seriously cultivate the practice of social boycot.
For their being considerate and tolerant no instance of permanent social
ostracism is reported. There are, however, other forms of punishment.
A person, on violation of certain societal norms, himself feels suffocated,
and volunrarily withdraws from the group. There are some who tempo¬
rarily curtail their interaction with such a person. The Ladakhis are
endogamous and as soon as a female marries outside the gruop, her
affiliation to the group is ceased. If she, for instance, makes a marital
union with Gara she is treated, for all purposes, as a member of Gara
group. Even the destiny of her progeny is guided by the rules of Gara
ethnic group. But even with all this her relations with the family of
orientation are not totally sealed. She can visit her parents though the
Ladakhis treat her as a member of Gara group. The Ladakhi men, in
general, do not accept girls, as wives, from the groups socially lower

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

than them. But if someone goes in for such a union he is tolerated after
the observance of Chhomo Gango ceremony. His connection with
the community are severed so long as the ceremony is not observed. For
some time, after a Ladakhi man marries a Gara, Mon or Beda, the me mbers
of his own group express resentment and do not like to mix with him.
Dining, drinking and smoking are avoided till his union with the girl of
lower category is dissolved or regularised. The man, violating the social
norm, is required to visit sacred Ganges and take bath in holy water for
15-20 days. For this, he would invariably be accompanied by a Lama
or some other person who would do worship for him. Then he declares
for dissolution of his socially illegal union. And only then he is recog¬
nised as a regular Ladakhi. In Ladakhi social structure a person from
a lower group cannot be admitted.

The Tibetan refugees who are Buddhists and have lately been colonized
some nine kilometres away from Leh, on Leh-Dungti road, and a few
families living near Spituk village, are not taken at par by the Ladakhis.
The social inferiority of the Tibetans is explained on two counts. Firstly,
they do not possess land as the Ladakhis do. Secondly, the Tibetans
do not have the kind of houses possessed by the Ladakhis. Their hut¬
ments are of a very poor quality in comparison to those of the Ladakhis.
Considering the Tibetans socially low the Ladakhis do not marry them.
However, a few instances where the Tibetan girls became friendly with
Ladakhi boys, and lately settled as their wives, could be reported.
Tibetans are not invited to the village functions. But if they come of their
own they are not asked to leave. The cattle of the Tibetans are not
allowed to graze around the fields owned by the Ladakhis. Though
belonging to the same religious faith the Tibetan refugees are segregated.

Change and continuity — An interpretation

Some of the informants from lower social strata do not now seem
to be relishing their traditional status quo in terms of social inequality.
Their attitude is resentful to the traditional social ranking. The argument,
put forward by them, is that why should they be rated low by the Bhotos
when they make all their festive occasions colourful and successful (by
providing music), when they worship the same gods and goddesses and
visit a common monastery, when they can eat with them and participate
in most of the functions organised by the village community. It is
further argued that the occupation alone cannot be the sole determinant
of their inferiority. That way there are Ladakhis doing carpentary,
masonary and weaving, but their social status has remained unaffected.
A Gara, while being extra assertive, went to the extent of telling that when
Lord Buddha allows them to worship him, why the living human beings
differentiate them. Lord Buddha, whom the Ladakhis consider supreme,
never promoted inequality, ranking and discrimination. Even the
Kushok, while preaching, takes Mon, Beda and Gara as equal to the

THE LADAKHI

Ladakhis. But the real situation prevalent is different than what the
ideals speak for. In spite of the fact that the role of Gara, Mon and
Beda, in the life and culture of Ladakhi is quite significant, they continue
to meet an inferior treatment. On many occasions the members from
the socially inferior groups deplore their fate and feel as if they are under
supression, being in minority. At the same time they expressed their
desire of being at par with the Ladakhi. With all Buddhistic traits in
them they are treated unlike the Ladakhi Buddhists. This proves that
their adoption of Buddhism has not helped them elevate their social
position. The positional change could not be through as the dominated
Ladakhis deprived the Gara, Mon and Beda of certain concessions, even
when the later are having Buddhist way of living. Under the circums¬
tances the numerical strength and personal convenience of Ladakhis
seems to have had an edge over cultural traits. And that is why the
Gara, Mon and Beda continue to be rated socially low even after their
adoption of Buddhistic traits.

Like the Hindu society of village India the stratification is also a
feature of Ladakhi Buddhists. In certain aspects the order of ranking
resembles the caste system of village community of plain India. But
some of the features, typical of caste society, are missing in the village
community of Ladakh. For instance the Ladakhi, Gara Mon and Beda
visit the same Gompa and join in worship. There is no bar to their
dining in each other’s house. Entry into each other’s house is again not
prohibited. Feelings of pollution and untouchability do not seem to
exist. On the other hand certain traits resembling caste system do exist.
Like the castes all social groups in Ladakhi villages have specific names.
Also, they have occupational specialisation quite in tune with caste
system. Lately, however the labour and other employment are taken
up by all the needy ones irrespective of their group affiliation. Again,
like the castes the Ladakhi, Gara, Mon and Beda are arranged in a social
hierarchy each occupying a definite rung of social ladder. Exactly like
the caste the Ladakhi, Gara, Mon and Beda maintain their respective
endogamy. Under normal circumstances the various groups do not
permit for intermarrying. There is, however, no recognition of clans
among the Ladakhi, Gara Mon and Beda. As a matter of fact they have
no clans. Quite similar to castes these groups have and usually culti¬
vate, set norms of behaviour. And the latter regulate the intra and
inter-group relations in various ways of life. In the light of features like
specific name (given to each group), specific occupation, fixed position
in social hierarchy and endogamy, as applicable to Ladakhi, Gara, Mon
and Beda it can be inferred that they pose for a caste-like society. The
trend to caste traits might be further solidified through the increasing
contacts with members of the caste society. While discussing on this
issue some informants came out with vague awareness of caste system.
Some of them even responded that they are the Hindus and the Rajputs.
Two persons reported that they are Brahmins. The latter have been

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

to plain India in the midst of caste society. With the increasing possi¬
bilities of their contacts with the members of caste society the Ladakhi
Buddhist’s vague knowledge of caste system may turn into caste reality,
widening the social distance between Ladakhi, Gara Mon and Beda.
Till now all the characteristics of caste system do not exist among the
inhabitants of Ladakhi villages. Untouchability and some other caste
prejudices are still missing.

It may simultaneously be mentioned that the changing conditions,
especially the rise in economy and education, have not helped to elevate
the social position of a person. His status continues to be recognised
by his affiliation to a specific social group. A Gara, better placed from
employment point of view, may enjoy a higher position in his office, or
place of working. But in the eyes of village community he is no more
than a Gara for all practical purposes. Under such a situation all norms
applicable to ordinary Gara are also necessarily meant for him. The
Gara of Spituk is comparatively richer than many Bhotos of the village.
He owns a big and spacious house like the well-off Bhotos. Still he is
treated like any other Gara of Ladakh. The traditionally defined posi¬
tion remains unalterable even after a person switches on to a new pro¬
fession. Some of the Mons and Ladakhis do carpentry but it has not
reflected on their traditional status.

The members of the village community are also classified on the basis
of economic status and the professions followed. Such groupings and
division cut across ethnic boundaries. One particular category may include
members from different ethnic groups. Such divisions/classes do not carry
more functional importance concerning the life and culture of the village
community. They point more to the nomenclatural significance, fixing
people with certain ways under specific categories. The village population
is, thus, classed into the following divisions :

1 . Tongpa

2. Lakshes

3. Chankan

4. Kuli

5. Sarkari Lhesmi

The last two of these categories have rapidly developed during the
last two decades only.

Those owning houses, especially of fairly good size, and cultivable
land are associated with Tongpas. They largely depend upon land
produce. Majority of the Bhotos are classed in this category. But
anybody else, meeting the above requirements, can also be affiliated to
Tongpa category. In fact, the Tongpas are economically more prosper¬
ous than non-Tongpas. But it never means that a Gara Tongpa can be
rated at par with a Ladakhi Tongpa in social position and day-to-day
dealings.

The artisan families belong to the Lakshes class. Broadly the group

THE LADAKHI

includes carpenters, masons, ironsmiths, weavers and musicians. A
person engaged in one of these occupations, irrespective of his ethnic
group affiliation, is termed as Lakshe. The technical personal them¬
selves have no unity or organization formally or informally represented
on any occasion. Knowing of Lakshes is, however, important because
any of them may be needed at any moment. At village level their services
are taken as essential. In comparison to an ordinary person a craftsman,
for his technical skill, has a better position in the village. His profe¬
ssional efficiency is appreciated though his social position, as determined
by his birth, remains unaltered.

The poorest class in the village is formed of the Chankans. The
Chankans are beggars and landless people. They are not in possession
of any technical skill. The Chankans hail mostly from the Beda group.
The Bedas who do not give musical performance act as beggars. Nor¬
mally, the Chankans are not sedentary. When they find that their require¬
ments are not metwith at one place they shift to the next. For their
livelihood the men as well as the women go for begging. The class of
Chankans is a depressed and frustrated lot. If you give them food they
would work hard for you for the whole day.

The Kuli class is of recent origin. Inception of various development
and other construction works in LadaJkh required lot of labour force.
The civil and army agencies engage labourers from the local population
to carry on their works. Members from all the ethnic groups are welcome
to labour jobs. The people of Ladakh call such labourers as Kuli. The
labour force which the Defence has raised is very well organized at
village level. From Spituk alone there are nearly one hundred labourers
representing Ladakhi, Gara, Mon, Beda and Haiti. Some families have
spared more than one Kuli. The Kulis are well paid. The Goba is
responsible for the made labour force, and a Chomo (nun) for the female
labour force. During a short span of time the term Kuli has gained
popularity and it does represent labour force at village level.

Like Kuli, the Sarkari Lhesmi is again not a traditional class and
as originated in later years. All the regulaily employed government
servants, may they be in civil or in armed forces, come under this category.
The members of this group are, by and large, educated and represent the
elite section. In comparison to Kulis the Lhesmis are esteemed high.
In addition to tradionally fixed persons the members from Lhesmi group
also, at times represent the villagers as their spokesmen. The Lhesmi
membership is towards increase because of the increasing formal educa¬
tion and employment opportunities.

Some political considerations also get reflected in the ranking of
various groups at village level. The connection with higher-up positions
counted for certain social formations. The position differentiation,
in this context, is apparent in the intra as well as inter-group situation.
Broadly speaking, four categories are distinctly marked in the village

ETHNIC COMPOSITION AND SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

community. These are Skutak, Tonspon or Tongpa, Ralpa or Phalpa
and Ustath or Riknan. r

The Skutak, in the old hierarchy, marked the nobles like Gyapo,
Lonpo, Kalhon and their relations. Now that the Gyapo, Lonpo and
Kalhon are no longer officially recognised, their descendants and their
relations (connected through marriage and blood) associate themselves
under the category of Skutak. The descendants of Kalhon (though
Kalhon has no official powers now) also continue to call themselves as
Kalhon. In the village the Kalhon families are known to everyone.
They are economically better off than others, and are given a higher
position in social hierarchy. They are, in most of the cases, the biggest
land owners of the village. The rest of the villagers show great regard
to them. Another characteristic of Skutak is that its members are all
Buddhists. Such Buddhists are of the Ladakhi group and not the Gara,
Mon or Beda. By and large the descendants of the noble families are
rich. Even those who have lost their wealth continue to enjoy their
social position, the Rik. In the past, and to some extent even today,
the Phalpa and Riknan cultivate fields for the Skutak. They also offer
them Khatak (a scarf symbolising honour) on the occasion of Losar.
In return they are obliged with Chang and food.-

Tonspa or Tongpa marks the group of village headmen and their
family members. Right from earlier times the Gobas have been acting as
the chief administrators at village level. Every Goba has one or more
assistants, lately termed as the Members. Their position is also taken
as supreme in their respective village section. Though inferior to Goba,
a Member is also associated with the Tonspa class. There is, however,
a marked difference between the Skutak and the Tonspa. The member¬
ship in the former is almost permanent and unchangeable, while in case of
the latter the members keep on changing. If a Goba or his assistant
cease to be in office, their affiliation to the Tonspa group is immediately
broken. The replacements are then recognised as the members of Tonspa
group. Another interesting feature is that a man and his family members
can simultaneously belong to Skutak as well as the Tonspa class. In most
of the cases the people from Skutak class alone have the privilege of
enjoying the status of a Tonspa class. The Gara, Mon and Beda do not
enjoy the position of Goba. In practical life, it is difficult to explain
Skutak and Tonspa in terms of superiority of one over the other. It is
only in certain matters that the headman, in person and not his other
family members, has more say than an ordinary Skutak. This is because
he is formally recognised by the government as the headman of the village
community.

The Bhotos who do not have their claim of belonging to Skutak class
are included in the category of Ralpa or Phalpa. These are the people
whose social position is rated as slightly lower than the Skutak. But at the
same time they are Ladakhis. A Kalhon family would not prefer to
select a boy for marriage, from Ralpa family. Their preference would

THE LADAKHI

always be for a Skutak. However, if it becomes impossible to find a boy
in Skutak category, they may go in for one belonging to Ralpa. Accord¬
ing to the local scale, the Argons and the Baltis are also grouped, along-
with the Ladakhis, in the Ralpa category. The Kalhon families do deny
of their equality with the Argons and the Baltis. The Baltis, most of the
time, resent for their positional association with Ralpa. In their own
assessment they consider themselves even superior to Skutak. The real
position cannot easily be determined because the Balti and the Ladakhi
belong to two different religious faiths and interact only marginally.

Tonspon class is more founctional because the he?<dman and his
assistants discharge certain functions in the interest of village community.
Ralpa, Skutak and Ustath, in their identities as class, largely appear to
be non-functional. As a matter of fact, the class classification is not much
of practical utility and significance. Rather, the people belonging to
lower category consider it a stigma. On the other hand the Skutak and
Tonspon feel proud of the same as it shows their links to the positions of
seniority and importance.

The 1911 census of Jammu and Kashmir has also explained of the
divisions then existing in Buddhist population. Accordingly, the three
major divisions, with fifteen subdivisions, are as under :

1. Rigzang or Tarachos or upper

(a) Gyalpo ( Rajas)

(b) Kushak (Chief Lamas)

(d) Konpo (Managers of Raja’s private affairs)

2. Mangriks or Mughami or middle class

(a) Lama (Priest)

(jb) Unpo (astrologers)

(d) Larje (Physicians)

3. Rignun or Kamin or lower class

(a) Beda (pipers)

(b) Mon (drummers)

{d) Shinkhan (carpenters)

(e) Lamkhun( cobblers)

(/) Malakhwan (dancing girls and prostitutes)

It may, however be mentioned that my findings in the study of four
Buddhist villages are not in full agreement with certain position and place¬
ment in the above classification. The position of a Lama, associated with
Thakshos, or assessed at the level of common gentry is unheard of. All the
Buddhists consider the religious positions, and the persons associated with
them as higher than any other Ladakhi. Then Unpo and Lharje or Amchi
is a class of specialists in the professions of astrology and medicine respec-

ETHNIC COMPOSITION ANt> SOCIAL STRATIFICATION

tively. Any Buddhist can have training and become Lharje. But at the
same time every Buddhist is not equal in social position. A Lharje, coming
from an inferior group, cannot be rated with Lama who is always a
Ladakhi and none else. Actually the Shinkhan and Lamkhun are not
very specialized classes to be distinguished, and associated with Gara,
Mon and Beda. For instance, lot of Ladakhis work as carpenters but
never equated with Mon, Beda or Gara. They rather continue to belong
to Ladakhi group and are always treated as higher to Mon, Beda and Gara.
The existence of dancing girls could not come to my notice. In Kuyul
I came across two families from where two young unmarried girls had gone
to stay in Leh where they earn through Chang-selling. It is further belie¬
ved that a large number of the Chang-sellers, in Leh, do indulge in immoral
traffic. But when these girls return back to Kuyul they would not be
treated at par with Mon and Beda. Birth is a stronger determinant of
group affiliation than the occupation.

Faijiily Lineage and Phasphun

Among Ladakhis there is a wide range of variation in the nature
and pattern of family. All the inmates of a house sharing economic
responsibilities and related through kinship have been considered as a
family. It may be mentioned thad apart from family the individual
members are also, at times, referred as Nang-Chang — a term which
corresponds to household as well as the family. There exist Nang-Chang
composed of only husband and wife. Then there are nuclear and extended
families. The later exist in vrious forms. Some of the Nang-Changs
do not fit in the sociologically defined categories of family. They simply
mark the nature of composition of the households. The nature and
pattern of Ladakhi Nang-Chang are represented in the following cate¬
gories.

1. Nuclear

2. Extended (three generational or more; it also include polyand-
rous and polygynous families)

3. Joint

4. Extended joint

5. Husband and wife (without children)

6. A widow staying alone

7. A deserted or divorced person living alone

8. A widower living alone

9. A wife and her two husbands

10. Husband, wife, daughter and her resident husband

11. Husband, wife, daughter and her resident husband and their
children

12. Father, two daughters and their two resident husbands and
children

13. Husband, wife and adopted son

14. Husband, wife and adopted daughter

15. Husband, wife adopted son and his wife and children

16. Husband, wife adopted daughter and her husband and children

17. Husband, wife children, including the deserted or divorced
daughter

18. Husband, wife and her unmarried sister staying together.

From the above pattern of Nang-Chang, it has been made clear

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

that the members belonging to different Gyuts (a term corresponding
to lineage) do stay together and make the constituent units of this social
group. At times the extensions are quite wide. Different kinds of
relatives are accommodated and they partly merge their respective identity
into Nang-Chang. The least inhibitions in the relationships of various
categories of people provide sufficient scope for mutual tolerance and
living at a common place. The living of a single unit alone is, usually,
the outcome of an abnormal circumstance. Likewise, the extension
to the extent of accommodating one’s daughter’s husband in the family
is not always the characteristic of normal living pattern. Similar is the
case where the persons have been adopted. Certain special forms of
Nang-Chang are, in fact, the creation of unique socio-economic nece¬
ssities, compulsion and other societal demands. In normal course, the
forms of Nang-Chang keep within the well defined and commonly accepted
categories such as nuclear, joint, extended and extended joint. The
following table speaks of Ladakhi family pattern.

Table showing the pattern of family

SI.

No.

Nature of
family

Total number
of families

Percentage of
the total

Nuclear

31.67

Joint

1.00

Extended

147

49.00

Extended Joint

4.33

Others

14.00

Predominantly, the families are of extended, kind followed, in order,
by the nuclear ones. Nearly 14.00 % of the families belong to the category
‘others’ which are to be explained in their respective forms.

It may here be mentioned that the forms of Nang-Chang, already
mentioned, are not the only and exclusive and rigid categories. They
may change with time and situation. The compositional change, from
the point of view of number of people in the group, is frequently marked.
The factors governing this kind of change include birth, marriage, death,
adoption, religious dedication, separation, social conflicts and compul¬
sions, economic requirement and social obligation. Over the years,
there has occurred a definite change in certain compositional aspects
of Nang-Chang. Such a change is the outcome of discontinuance of
a social practice involving sexual liberty. In the traditional Ladakhi
society there has, till recently, been the practice of keeping an additional

THE LADAKHI

husband. This husband used to be in addition to the husband, or hus¬
bands, recognised through marriage. In fact, the additional husband,
not procured through marriage, was admitted in the Nang-Chang at
the sweet will of the wife concerned. In this capacity, the man was
known as Phorsak. The Phorsak was granted concession to enjoy sex
with the woman at par with the real husband, recognised through marriage.
A Phorsak was mostly rated at equal level. In some cases the position
of Phorsak was even treated higher. He was brought in the family when
the lady of the house felt the need of additional man for doing agriculture
and other works. In the study of Nang-Chang in four villages, no
Phorsak could be reported. The informants reported that the practice
was abandoned long back. On the whole the number of Nang-Chang
is towards increase, and so is their size. Average number of persons per
Nang-Chang is now 6.02. In 1847, Cunningham found that this average
was 4.147. He, however, admitted that as a very considerable number
of people were absent from their homes, the true rate per house could
not have been less than five persons.

Families are either patrilocal or matrilocal. From marriage pers¬
pective, the family can be classified into three categories namely mono¬
gamous, polygynous and polyandrous. There is preponderance of
monogamous families, followed, in order, by polyandrous and polygynous
ones. There are only three joint families in true sense of the term. But
some of the characteristics of joint family do mark even the polyandrous
families. For instance, the members of a polyandrous family have a
common residence and jointly contribute to house economy. Of course
the family property is not equally shared.

In the past the Bhotos practised male primogeniture, and hence
the entire property of the family was inherited only by the eldest son.
The rest of the brothers did not get anything out of it. All the brothers
depended on the eldest one. In the absence of adequate means of support,
they even could not afford to have individual wife. They shared the
wife of the eldest brother. Therefore, the succession and inheritance
of position and property by one individual helped to promote polyandrous
marriages. Of course, there have been other reasons too. At the same
time the system did help the family members remain united. It largely
happened to be the economic compulsion that kept the family members
integrated. But the social factor also had its own contribution in the
matter. The eldest brother in the family, after the death of the parents,
enjoyed all respect, command and authority. Lately, however, there has
been a change in the authority and position of the eldest son. He is no
longer the sole repository of family property and. status. Under the
new rules, the family property can be equally inherited by all the siblings.
Since the introduction of equal share in family property the system of
polyandry got adversely affected. The frequency of polyandrous unions
got reduced because under the new provision every brother can econo¬
mically afford to maintain an individual wife. With the new oppor-

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

tunities, of labour job and employment, there is growing economic
independence. Under the circumstances it is increasingly felt that one
can afford to maintain independent family of ones own. It has given
a set-back to polyandrous families. The number of polyandrous families
also declined because of the legislation against polyandrous marriages
and because of the criticism of the custom by the outsiders. In a family,
having daughter but no son, the property is inherited by the daughter.
She, in fact, continues to live in her parental house even after her marriage.
The husband is made to stay with her only. This kind of arrangement
is done only when the couple fail to adopt a male child. The Ladakhi
families are predominantly patrilineal.

The institutions of family and marriage are intimately connected,
so much so that the structure of a family is partly regulated by marriage.
For instance, a nuclear family, consisting of parents and unmarried
children, does take new shape after the sons get married. The wife or
the wives are the addition which further expands when the children are
born out of such unions. But after this stage there is sudden disruption
in the family structure. With the incoming of grand children, the
grand-parents, alongwith their unmarried daughter, if any, leave the
family and start living in a separate house. This separation is not forced
and is rather voluntary. Most of the parents, as part of custom, keep
up the practice. Such a separation normally materialises when parents
get satisfied with the maturity and ability of the son to shoulder all res¬
ponsibilities. Of course they render all assistance, whenever needed.
Sexual privacy from parents is no criterion for such a separation. As
part of tradition, the parents no longer like to remain burden on the
son, who has then to look after his own wife and children. The separation
is also enthused by the hard external ecological conditions under which
dependence on others is not relished. The conditions demand that
everyone must work hard to make the living. In this respect the kinship
obligations are not very potent. Things are done and managed volun¬
tarily. There do not exist more of expectations from others. Further,
the separation of family as Khaon (A Nang-Chang formed by the separated
parents) does help to avoid unpleasentness between the mother-in-law and
the daughter-in-law. When they stay away from each other chances
of conflict and quarrel are minimised. The separation also proposes
for sparing part of the family property to the unmarried girl or the boy
in family. The provisions of Khaon and Khangchen (Khangchen is
the ancestral house) help to avoid parental interference in the business
of the young couple. The separation grants full liberty of behaviour and
decision-making. In fact the formation of a Khaon is relic of the old
custom when polyandry was most widely prevalent. With polyandry,
primogeniture was the rule, and the brothers who did not join the
polyandrous wedlock were left without any property to fall back upon
Khaon system then provided relief. A part of the property, initially
given to parents, who stayed in Khaon, was ultimately inherited by the

THE LADAKHI

unmarried son who joined the parents in Khaon. However, the major
part of property was, and still is retained in Khangchen. Now that the
polyandrous unions are towards decline, the Khaon system has also been
affected correspondingly.

Out of Khangchen and Khaon the former is still considered better.
In fact Khangchen retains a major part of the ancestral property. At
the same time the members need not shift. Secondly, for all practical
purposes more recognition is accorded to Khangchen. Even the Gompa
grants more recognition to Khangchen than Khaon. Once a year, after
the harvesting is over, every family gives a part of the agriculture produce
to Gompa. The families in better position donate a head-load each.
But no quantity is fixed for Khaon; they may or may not give it. But
from Khangchen the monastic organization must get the specific quantity.
Then Chhangjot (treasurer) of Gompa has more connection with Kha.ng-
chen than Khaon. The Khangchen people use him as decision-maker
when all other avenues fail. His decision comes only next to Kushok.
Actually the monastic right on Khangchen is more becuase it has a worship
room which is catered by the Lamas of monastery. The Chhotkang
(worship room) remains common for Khaon and Khangchen, and their
members make use of it as and when desired. The separated members
continue to be labelled with the name of Khangchen. At the same time,
most of the important ceremonies are held only in Khangchen and not
in Khaon. Because of the extra privileges given to Khangchen people,
there is always maintained a close relationship between Khaon and
Khangchen. When there is a death in Khaon, the dead body is brought
to Khangchen and kept there for a couple of days till all the rites and
rituals, connected to this incident are over. The Khangchen people
make substantial contribution towards the expenses incurred on the
occasion. The keeping of dead in Khangchen is an indication that
primarily the person is indentified with Khangchen Khaon is only his
secondary abode. Simultaneously, Khaon is not considered an appro¬
priate place for the performance of major religious rites and ceremonies.
The Khaons, in most of the cases, do not have worship room and hence
these people have to depend on Khangchen. In major quarrels, either
in Khangchen or Khaon the members seek mutual help, cooperation
and guidance. To face a third party,, in quarrel, the Khangchen and
Khaon join hands. In economic life the cooperation is maintained to
a great deal. Economic position of Khaon is normally not at par with
Khangchen, and to meet many of their requirements they bank upon
Khangchen. Storing, the property allotted to Khaon, is not sufficient
to meet all their demands. On the other hand if Khangchen people
need something, which can be procured by Khaon people, it is readily
managed for. Most of the articles are exchanged, without making any
payment for them.

Certain Khaons, especially after the death of parents, are repre¬
sented only by the unmarried girl and/or boy. A Khaon of Thiksay could

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

be represented by two unmarried girls only. And they stayed separately
even when their parents were alive. On probing into the matter, it was
revealed that they stay in Khaon to watch the agriculture fields around.
A Khaon assumes yet another form. Out of a joint family if one brother,
alongwith his wife and children establishes a new home, the latter is
also termed Khaon. These instances prove that Khaon is not necessarily
an abode of the aged parents alone, and may be formed of other members.
Thus, any structure, other than the one represented by ancestral and
parental residence, occupied by any person, separated from the main
family, is referred as Khaon. It may, however, be mentioned that the
Khaons mostly include the aged parents, staying away from their married
sons.

Khaon pattern of Nang-Chang does encourage Magpa practice.
Magpa is the husband who joins his wife’s family of orientation and
their residence. Such a matrilocal arrangement gets a substantial support
from Khaon. An unmarried girl from Khaon inherits, in most of the
cases, the property after the death of her parents. To manage and look
after her property, she is helped by her husband who joins after her
marriage. In most of the cases the Khangchen property is managed
and taken care of by the sons, more so after the separation of the parents.
On the other hand the Magpa takes over as the chief care-taker of Khaon
and its possessions. Magpa is not a big beneficiary as the Khaon property
is meagre. The major part of property remains attached with Khangchen.
But still the Ladakhis do not mind becoming Magpa in Khaon. Magpa
practice is resorted to for Khangchen, if needed.

The family composition changes when someone is adopted. When
a couple is not blessed with an issue, they prefer to adopt a male relative.
On his non-availability a female can be adopted. In latter case the
husband of the female would also join. Children of husband’s brother
or wife’s brother are preferred for adoption. Adoption leads to fusion
in family, while Khaon practice does cause fission.

The issueless couple are taken as unfortunate, and people feel pity
on them. To avoid the unfortunate state alternatives have been provided
to help the issueless couple produce children. The helpers, for the pur¬
pose, are Kushok, Lama and Chanspa (a religious person). It is believed
that these agencies, with the help of their religious power, can get a woman
conceived. But if such efforts too prove useless the Kushok gives a
final verdict telling that the couple would never be able to have progeny.
As an alternative the barren couple is permitted to adopt someone from
the same ethnic group. Contracting polygynous union, in order to
beget children, is not appreciated. Still some cases of polygyny are
reported. As social sanction a couple can adopt a male or a female child
or adult. When a girl is adopted, she continues to stay with the issueless
couple even after her marriage. The husband joins her as Magpa. Such
matrilocal arrangement is again socially approved. Even otherwise,
the matrilocal form of residence is quite popular. In spite of all this

THE LADAKHI

the preference for male adoption is always expressed. The person to
be adopted is never beyond one’s kinship circle. Among others who
can be adopted, beyond preference, include maternal uncle’s son or
daughter, wife’s sister’s son or daughter.

There are no special ceremonies marking adoption. Looking to the
possibility of sparing a child/grownup the needy ones make request to
the parents of the prospective candidate. Some promise to meet the
request, and the person is spared as and when desired. People prefer
to adopt around the age of five to six years. The child just walks in a
new home. His/Her parents are offered Chang. The adopted one is
reared, educated and married by those who adopted. The adopted one
had no claim on the property of his real parents. But the entire property
of the adopting couple goes to him/her.

The urgency for adoption has a specific background. Under the
difficult ecological conditions even the old Ladakhi s, especially those
of Khaon, have to struggle hard to earn their living. But even then they
need someone who can render help as and when needed in the very old
age. It is always desired that someone should be there to fall back upon,
specially under the conditions when a couple becomes almost invalid.
Such a necessity makes an issueless couple adopt someone who may
provide them support. Other reasons are no less important. Normally
the Ladakhis express themselves as liberal, frank and democratic people.
But at the same time they are very possessive of a few things. Their
attachment with the land is very deep and none would like to transfer
the land to anyone whom they do not consider as their own. In order
that the land, and even the other property, may go to the person of one’s
own choise, the adoption is resorted to. Another important desire of
a Ladakhi is that his chain of descent should not only remain intact, but
also continue through procreation. It is further believed that their
name would continue only if the progeny is there. The house name
indentity does completely perish in the absence of an issue. Sentimen¬
tally the situation is intolerable to a Ladakhi. Looking to these require¬
ments, and when the chances of procreation seem bleak the Ladakhi
couple decide to adopt someone. The act ensures continuity of house
name. The adopted one, in no way, is considered different from the
real members of the family.

The increasing trend is towards nuclear families. Such a change in
family pattern is largely because of the change in land tenure system.
The shift from male primogeniture to equigeniture led to the individual
ownership. This ensured economic cover not only to the individual
but also to his elementary family.

Family identification

Ladakhis have no clan system, nor recognise any clan name. Like¬
wise, the lineages are not named. Even the surnames are non-existent.

FAMILY LINEACE AND PHASPHUN

Therefore indentifying families in respect of clan or lineage name is not
possible. Under the circumstances the families are differentiated and
identified with the help of either titles or the house names.

The identification of families in the village is done through an iteres-
ting methc'd. The families are categorised into two groups namely, the
Kaga and Aacho. These are kind of titles attached to the families. The
descendants from Kalhons as well as other nobles are classed as Kaga.
Kaga, as a title carries more value than the Aacho. These two cate¬
gories are not applicable to Gara, Mon and Beda. Majority of the
Ladakhis belong to Aacho group. Next to the practice of attaching titles
with the families is the system of allotment of name to every house.
These names are different for different houses. While mentioning for
a particular family, its title as well as the house name are put together.
For instance in Spituk, Nurbu’s family has the title of Kaga and. his house
name is Togoche. Now whenever people refer to Nurbu’s family, they
say Togoche Kaga. Sometimes the name of the head of the family is
also prefixed to house name to make it more clear. Such identification
symbols have continued for centuries because in a family the sons inherit
the same title. The house names may change only in rare circumstances,
especially when sons build their separate houses and are keen to have
new names from the Lama. But as a procedure the eldest brother would
always keep father’s house name. For generations, the descendants
from specific families continue to have the same name. When a man
permanently shifts to live in his wife’s house, he gets governed by the
house name of the latter. Family name corresponds to the house name.
Any one joining a new house would inherit the name of the same.

The house names, suggested by the Lamas and the Kushok, are
normally found having association with the ecological setting around,
say a stream, hillock, steep, plain etc. For instance, a house near a stream
would be named as Tokpopa (Tok refers to stream and popa to those
who live near it). A house near the hill would be named, as Takshanpa.
The house names are also given on the basis of association with animals
like tiger, rabbit, goat, sheep etc. A Khangchen name continues un¬
changed. for generations. Normally the Khaons are not given new names,
and they continue to be referred as Khaon of so and so, that is, its Khang-
chen’s name. In case the Khaon is far off from Khangchen, the new
name may be sought for.

In fact the house names differentiate the families and their respective
members for various purposes. Such names have been incorporated in
village accountant’s (Patwari) records where the land ownership is shown.
Even in postal correspondence, the house names are always incorporated
as part of address. For men and women, only a few names are popular,
and in the same village one may find many persons of the same name.
For exact ind.entification the house names are always added. As the
inheritance of house names continues, no confusion marks indentification
of persons and families.

THE LADAKHI

Intra-family relations

The nature of the intra-family relations provides uniformity. How¬
ever, the types of such relations vary from family to famiiy, depending
upon its form and composition. In some cases the parents stay away
from their sons after the later’s marriage and begetting children. In a
polyandrous family the eldest brother enjoys more privileges. In a
nuclear family, with minor children, the parents take all decisions. In
vertically extended family, the elderly parents or grand-parents may
hand over the responsibilities to one of the grown up sons, if he is consi¬
dered fit for the position. But then the opinion of the aged parents is
sought while taking major decisions. In spite of the fact that most of
the parents stay in a different place, after the marriage of their sons, the
relationship is not altogether severed. The parent can seek help from their
sons. Many of the latter even cultivate the land given to the parents,
and hand over all the agriculture produce to them. Their comfort is
bothered for. But still the separated parents have to work hard for
their existence. They keep on working even in the old age. In the
matter of respect as well as consultation the grandfather, if alive,
is given priority over others. This is subject to his being in position to
attend to things. In his absence it comes to the father. For various
matters, concerning family, the mother is not very frequently consulted.
The eldest brother, in family, also enjoys more privilege in the absence of
grandfather and father. In comparison to mother, the wife is said to
have a better say. It is likely that such a trait originated from polyand¬
rous system where wife’s position in the family is quite sound. Essen¬
tially the position of senior male members is higher than the females.
The seniormost male member is taken as head of the family if he continues
to have a balanced mind and dependable memory. In certain cases the
opinion is also sought from father’s brother, if any. When none of them
is available the matters are communicated to the maternal uncle. He,
then, acts as the chief decision-maker. The family members express as
much allegiance and loyalty to the maternal uncle as to the father or
grand-father. The decisions are respected and carried out as suggested.
Thus, the position of maternal uncle is not less important.

As part of their responsibility the parents do their best in the rearing
of children. They also manage for their marriage. The parents, at the
same time, expect their children to be hardworking. Those who shirk
hard work are not liked. If required the Ladakhi even threats his chil¬
dren. The latter is even beaten if something is stolen by him. Stealing
is taken serious note of as it goes against Buddhist ethics. The relation¬
ship of siblings with the parents does not involve avoidance. Rather, it
is of an easy nature and is devoid of tension. Although the relation¬
ship is marked by ease and frankness, the norms of behaviour are well
laid down. These have provision for certain concessions too. The
latter do not adversely reflect on their day-to-day pattern of interaction.

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

The parents and children are free and frank with one another and can eat
and drink together. Jokes are freely cut among various members of
family. This is done irrespective of age and sex. The inhibitions and
impositions are rare. Even after the marriage a son’s freedom is not
curtailed in any way. He, alongwith his wife and children, is left to
live independently. The parents retire from the main house, handing
it over to the son and his family of procreation. It has further been
responded that the children take more liberty with mother than the
father. The latter, at times, gets harsh. The mother does not resort to
physical beating unless she is cornered to do so. But the position of
parents, as that of respect is always recognised and the same gets reflected
in many walks of life. The parental right over the children is widely
accepted. Whether a son or a daughter is to be dedicated (as Lama or
Chomo) to monastery is to be decided by the father and the mother.
No child even dares to violate their decision. The children are, by
and large, submissive to parents without any fear of coercive means.
In polyandrous family there is no formal procedure of detei mining pater¬
nity. In general the eldest brother in a polyandrous union is referred to as
Bada Baap (elder father) by the offsprings. And all the younger brothers
in the union are referred to as Chhota Baap (younger father). Every
child adopts the same procedure. That means every brother, sharing
a common wife, is equally responsible to every child. Without any
segregation they derive equal affection from all who have shared
their mother. Actually the children have more members to look after
them in a polyandrous family.

The brothers, among themselves, maintain cordial and helpful
relations. . Even when they stay away in their respective nuclear families,
they keep on helping each other whenever required. Likewise they
help their sisters even when the latter get married and stay at different
places. The siblings, whether male of female, enjoy, equal freedom of
movement and speech. In their behaviour too, they are equally liberal.
Equal treatment is meted out to the son and the daughter. This holds
true even at the time of their birth. The birth ceremonies are more or less
the same for the members of both the sexes.

The privileged position in family is given to certain members on the
ground of their dedication to religious organization. These members
are the Lama and the Chomos. For their being more religious and iear-
ned, they are kept better fed and clothed. A Lama, in the early formative
stage, continues to stay in his family of orientation. At this stage he is
known as Ch?ng-Jung. But in the next stages he shifts to one of the
rooms of Gompa. On the other hand a Chomo, in most of the cases,
continues to throughout stay with her family members. She does not
stay in Gompa, except in rare case. But the Chomos do attend to all
kinds of works required to be done in the Gompa. They readily respond
to the call of monastery. Because the Chomos and the Chang-Jungs
opt to devote their life for the cause of religion, which provides protection

THE LADAKHI

to the community, their position is always, at least in theory, taken as
superior than other members of the family. The superiority is exhi¬
bited in the division of labour and other activities related to family life.
Ideally, the Lama and the Chomo are never asked to do any hard work.
They are preferably given some light work. The senior Lamas and
Chomos are never asked to participate in the agriculture activities. In
order that the religious persons may keep up their purity and sanctity
they do not indulge in any activity which may tarnish their image.
Ploughing for a Lama is forbidden. At the same time the religious
persons are not engaged in harvesting the crops. Carrying of a sickle
by the Lama and the Chomo is not approved. It is commonly believed
that during the course of harvesting lot of insects and ants get killed.
Such a killing is considered anti-virtuous, and hence the acts are for¬
bidden for Lamas and Chomos. In fact they are against being offensive
and killing of living things. For that matter the religious persons are
never engaged for carrying compost from the pit to the fields. Broad¬
casting of compost is also prohibited for them. In order that the sacred
persons may maintain their purity they avoid participation in ceitain
ceremonies connected with birth, death and marriage. But they do
perform worship required on all such occasions. What is tabooed is
their secular participation. Thus, the religious persons are considered
as well as treated as superior to other members of the family. The
religious persons do show regards to the parents but the latter do not press
them, as they do in case of other family members, to do the works which
are not meant for the religious class as a whole. It may further be men¬
tioned that a Lama’s position is considered superior to that of a Chomo.
His role, in religious matters, is more prominent. A Chomo largely
confines to the house while a Lama keeps busy in worship at various
places. Through this sacred relationship he is directly in touch with
the village community. Beyond family, the other members of community
also have a soft corner for the religious persons and treat them accordingly.
Of late some change has been marked at the level of work underaken by
the Chomos. Some Chomos were seen working as labourers on the
road and other construction sites. One of the senior Chomos from Spituk
is even the head of women labour force from the village. The increasing
economic pressure and the attraction for labour wage have made the
Chomos go in for such a hard outdoor work. The parents do not object
against the new trend as it adds to their income. Thus, the new economic
opportunities have started affecting the traditional attitude of the people
belonging to the sacred class.

The siblings, irrespective of their sex, are of equal importance and
meet, more or less, similar kind of treatment at the hands of parents.
Among themselves they interact freely. There are not more of inhibitions
governing their relationship. When the custom of polyandry was widely
prevalent the eldest brother enjoyed the most privileged position. He
happened to be the repository of entire family wealth. The rest had

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

to look to him for alomost each and everything. Lately, the frequency
of polyandrous unions has declined but the hang-over of the past relation¬
ship between the eldest brother and the rest continues to exist to some
extent. In polyandrous families the position of the eldest brother is
still more important. But with the replacement of primogeniture by
the system of equigeniture the position of the eldest brother has suffered
a jolt. The increasing economic independence, more so under the new
opportunities of earning, has already started shaking the dominance of
the eldest brother. When the brothers separate and have independent
establishment, they do not interdepend much. Thir level of intimacy
also declines. While living together, the siblings get most of their affairs
managed by the elderly male members. The latter even help arrange
marriages of the younger ones. Between brother and sister the relation¬
ship does not cease to exist even when she is married out. On most
of the festive as well as sad occasions she visits the brother’s house.
She continues to share his sorrows and joys for almost the whole of her
life. As part of kinship obligation and usage the brother does extend
material help to the sister on all festive occasions attended by her. The
Ladakhis, however, accept that the relationship between the brother and
sister is more close and intimate till she remains in her parental house.
When she gets married and goes out with the husband the relationship
assumes mild form. Now that she can have equal share in ancestral
property but it is never aspired for. However, a sister’s intimacy with
her brothers does not diminish even if her husband joins her in ancestral
home after marriage. It is not considered bad if the husband stays with
the brother-in-law. Some families prefer this practice as they want
man-power to look after agriculture and allied activities. The man who
joins through marital alliance serves the purpose. The system works
well because there is no demand for avoidance at interactional level.
Too much of privacy is not desired. When the brothers are staying in
separate houses they do, under normal conditions, extend help and
cooperation to one another. They depend on each other while in
difficulty, as also on other occasions where element of kin-based recipro¬
city intervenes. Under the difficult terrain and imposing geographical
conditions the cooperation is essentially required in various pursuits.
And the persons related through blood and marriage form the chief
source of help. Of course there are other sources not based on kinship.

The husband-wife relationship is marked by affection, coopera¬
tion, conflict and tolerance. The conflict is not a regular feature of their
life. It assumes serious form only in some exceptional situation. This
may even separate them from each other, or may lea,d to divorce. Nor¬
mally the husband has an upper hand and more say in family matters.
His assertion prevails over the rest of the family members. In most of
the cases the husband enjoys his status of authority and dominance over
others. His recognition > is established. But if a husband’s ability is
not upto the mark the wife attends to most of the family requirements.

THE LADAKHI

Her verdict in family matters is also accepted. Even then the husband
is not to be totally ignored though the dependence on him decreases.
Under such circumstances the mother’s role becomes more prominent
and rest of the family members bank more on her. In matters outside
the family the representation of husband is more than the wife. The
latter does not attend to outside calls unless her husband is unfit to do
that. Headmanship and leadership are in the hands of males alone.
Normally the father or the eldest son heads the family.

Division of labour and family

There are no rigid rules to press upon a person to do only the specific
jobs. Some division of labour does exist but it never suggests that a
person cannot undertake any other role meant for other member in the
family. An adult Ladakhi is usually multipurpose. But at the same
time the family members are primarily assigned certain specific duties on
account of diverse reasons. The role allotment has been done keeping
in view age, sex, formal education, physical fitness opportunity, religious
obligation, community expectation and the prevailing norms. More
aged ones sit in the house and keep busy rotating the prayer wheel. To¬
wards the later years of their life span they are more eager to achieve
religious merit. It is believed that such merit is achieved with the rotation
of prayer wheel. The act of rotating the prayer wheel also ensures good
luck to all the family members. Members of both the sexes operate
upon the prayer wheel. This job is, however, not done by all the old
people, and all the time. Those who are comparatively fit go ahead
with other activities which help them secure their bread and butter. Some
of them tend cattle for grazing and keep busy with one or the other
agricultural activity. There are others who do baby-sitting in the
house when rest of the family members are engaged in other pursuits.
If time permits they switch on to spinning, weaving and making of shoes,
ropes, socks, etc. Shoe-making and weaving cannot be done by all the
Ladakhis. But spinning is known to almost all of them. It is generally
the old men and women who keep a watch over the crops. The watching
of crops can be done sitting at a point near the house when the agricul¬
ture fields are adjoining. If the fields are little away they manage to
go there and do the needful. Among families, not having the aged
persons, the watching of crops can be done by any other member. The
ploughing, sowing, carrying and broadcasting of compost, cutting of
grass, harvesting of crops, preparation of bricks, construction of fencing
walls, digging of water channel, bringing of drinking water, winnowing
and threshing, transportation of goods by yaks and horses, are essen¬
tially the jobs of the young people. Lately a large number of them got
employment on regular or casual basis. Most of these are engaged as
labourers. Their participation in household and agriculture works is
now subsidiary. Many of the aged ones also work as labourers. The

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

role of the young females is no less important, They participate in all
the activities except ploughing of the fields, a specialized job meant for
men only. Over and above, the household work is primarily a woman’s
concern. Being the chief cook of the house she spends most of her time
in preparing food and Gur Gur and in serving the same to all family
members. Preparation of Chang is also the arena of females. They are
considered as the best hostesses for serving Chang and Gur Gur.
Cleaning of utensil and the house, burning fire, serving of food etc., are
all done by the females. The young daughters and the daughter-in-law
are usually seen cooking food. Except when unavoidable the old ladies
do not cook. When the house-wife is not well, or if she goes out to
some other place for long stay the entire household work is done by the
men only. It is no condition that the men would never do the women’s
job. In the sphere of women’s activities, child rearing and fetching of
of water are the other essential concerns. But the men also share as
and when needed. In addition to their routine household activities, the
women also spend some time in spinning, weaving, knitting, sewing etc.
if they happen to know the same. It has further been observed that the
women work more in the agriculture fields. At ideological level the
dominance of men in agriculture activities is always stressed. One can
regularly see women working in the fields, and the men drinking Chang
ann Gur Gur or relaxing here and there. The younger children who are
not in a position to help the parents in any major work either loiter
around or attend schools which have lately been opened in almost all
the villages. Some of them, especially those around the age of eight-to-ten
years, are asked to look after their younger brother or sister when the
adult family members go out for outdoor work. The educated Ladakhis
are hesitant to participate in their traditional family duties. Their
contribution is less as they devote more time to the new assignment.
Even otherwise they find little time to attend to other activities. Such
people are those who have been absorbed in various regular services.
A majority of such people leave their villages early morning and return
only in the late evening. They can get a chance to participate in their
traditional division of labour only on Sundays and other holidays. The
families, having more manpower, do not even disturb those earning
through employment. But such wage-earners are not spared from hard
toil when no other manpower is available. The females, in such families,
have to devote more time to agriculture activities. Some of the large
families have made an adjustment with the new conditions. Depending
upon the strength of the family members they spare one or more persons
to go in for regular employment. The rest, whom they consider as
sufficient to take care of agriculture and other requirements, stay back.
By doing so they have availed of the new opporunity of employment, as
also retaining the traditional source of income and division of labour.

The pattern of division of labour in the family is temporarily dis¬
turbed when the Ladakhis respond to the call of religious order. There

THE LADAKHI

is reciprocity of services between the Ladakhis and their monastic orga¬
nization. The Kushok and the Lamas cater to the religious needs of
Ladakhis. The Ladakhi life is so religion-oriented that the people can¬
not do without the help of religious persons. For all major events the
services of Lamas are requisitioned. r And the specialists are suitably
rewarded. In addition the villagers supply manpower to the monastery
to carry on its secular functions. There is a set procedure defined for
the purpose. The village headman deputes people, by rotation, to work
for Gompa and to serve the Lamas. No one dares turn down the head¬
man’s instructions. In case of family has no man-power to spare the
head of the family engages, on payment basis, the required number of
people who are asked to work for Gompa. While working for Gompa,
the normal labour in family gets up-set. The monastic organization is
held so strong that no one dare say no to the deputation of their men or
women to work for the monastery and its inmates. Many a times it
sounds like forced labour in the name of religion.

Apart from their economic involvements the members in a Ladakhi
family have to regularly devote some time to a religious rite observed
in the worship room of the family. In the religion-dominated community
of Ladakhis almost every family maintains a room, or a little space in
a room, meant for keeping the idol or images or photographs of their
gods and goddesses. These chiefly represent reincarnations. Some
of the religious paintings are also fixed on the walls of this room. This
is the best maintained room, usually having a Ladakhi carpet spread
on its floor and Ladakhi tables arranged in order. A variety of utensils
and other equipment are also housed there. Some of the tumblers need
to be daily filled with fresh water. Other bowls are filled with grain and
butter. A wick, immersed in butter, is made to burn in flame. All
this is to be done every morning by an adult male or female member of
the family.

Social boycot

The interaction between various families is primarily governed by a
common objective of maintaining solidarity. Each other’s welfare is
bothered for in the interest of group. The participation in various rites
and ceremonies, observed by any family, is a grand affair. On occasions
when more manpower is needed by a family, the others help outrightly.
The unity among various families is widely observed at the time of
harvesting of crops and the death feasts. Even the families, not connec¬
ted by blood and marriage, have devised means to help each other. The
system of Phasphuns is the most important living example of this
kind. Instances of ordinary assistance are more or less regularly marked
among the members of families of neighbourhood. The pattern of
inter-family relationship is so designed that no family feels as if they are
denied of help and cooperation of other families. Difficult environ-

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

mental conditions provide major background to helpful attitude and
cooperation. The difficult surroundings have made living hard. No
family can afford to think of self alone, in isolation of other families.
If, on account of certain undesirable acts, a family is temporarily boy¬
cotted by the rest, its existence is immediately threatened. Indulgence
in antisocial acts is, therefore, mostly avoided. But still there is provision
for social boycot of a person/family to make the Ladakhis realise of
their age-old binding and norms.

Social boycot is locally termed as Melan Chhulam. It debars one
from sharing water and fire with others. Social boycot is hardly resorted
to. And if at all it is done, it assumes only a temporary form. This is
to avoid putting a person in difficulty. Even the temporary boycot
is believed to help a great deal in the maintenance of social control. Being
scared of the provision for social boycot people remain very submissive
to the group interest and the norms of society. Under the hard condi¬
tions it is believed that the existence, in isolation of ones own fraternity
people (posed by social boycot), would come too hard . The social
boycot is thought of only in case of serious violations of religious bindings
and the norms holding community integration. People may plan for
social boycot.

1. when someone challenges or threats the Kushok or Lama,

2. when one tries to indulge in party-politics against the religious
heads, and

3. when one poses a threat to community life.

When anyone gets involved in the above acts the Goba and his
assistants call for a meeting of the elderly men of the village. The
defaulter is given a chance to express himself. And if he does not satisfy the
gatheirnghis social boycot is announced with the following provisions.

1. The Lamas stop serving the defaulter and his family. It may be
mentioned that the Ladakhis are so much religion bound that
they cannot do without worship. And the latter is done only
by the Lamas. It is a terrible demoralisation when one is
dispossessed of the religious services.

2. Nobody not even his close relatives, would visit him.

3. All kind of help and cooperation are withdrawn from the person
as well as the family. Althrough the affected people have to
manage single handed.

4. Neither the person is offered, food by anyone nor his food accepted.

5. The person is denied the right of having marital alliance with
any member of Ladakhi group.

Such an alienation puts the person to extremely difficult conditions
which make him realise his folly. In order to revive his earlier favours

THE LADAKHI

from community the pardon is not only sought from Goba and his assis¬
tants but also from the Lamas and the Kushok.

Gyut or Rigs

Gyut is a bigger social group than the family. It refers to a group
of people who trace descent from a common ancestor or ancestress. As
the group is based on blood tie the entry of an outsider into the group is
not permitted. The Gyuts have no specific names, but the villagers
know of their respective Rigs. They are even aware of others existing
in the village. In the absence of Gyut name, and in the absence of the
existence of clan, there is marked no association between such social
groups and the surname of the individuals. In fact the Ladakhis do not
have surnames. No part of an individual’s name is inherited from any
member of the senior generation. From the names of the persons they
cannot be identified as belonging to certain specific Gyuts. Because
of having blood relationship, the members of a Gyut are not allowed to
marry each other. A Rigs is always exogamous. The relationship
ties with the members of Rigs group are recognised upto five or six
generation. That way the group is more comparable to the lineage rather
than to the clan or sept. The size of a Gyut is not fixed. It depends
upon the degree or recognition of a common association to an ancestor
or ancestress, as also on the bulk of surviving persons. In a family the
husband belongs to a Gyut different from his wife. The children continue
to inherit father’s Gyut. At the same time the mother’s Gyut continues to
be recognised, especially for the purpose of marriage. Her son and
daughter cannot be married with members of her Gyut. That way
the Gyut, and not the clan, regulates marriage rules. Normally, the
members of a Gyut stay in the same village, exception being those who
leave the group after marriage.

Functionally the Gyut forms an important group. Its members
often interact for diverse purposes. They seek each other’s help and
cooperation. Due recognition is accorded to Gyut relationship at the
time of marriage, Losar, conflict etc. Principle of reciprocity is observed
while rendering help and cooperation. On the occasion of Losar the
Gyut members invite each other for food and drinks. Any marriage
in the Gyut involves certain obligations on its members. As part of
kinship usage, prevalent in Rigs, its adult members do offer Khataks
(ceremonial scarfs) to the husband of a girl after her marriage. The
newly-weds are also invited for meals and drinks. In fact the Gyut
members regard any of the girl from the group as their own daughter or
sister. And the above mentioned treatment is the result of this kind of
consideration. A girl is given clothes by those members of Gyut with
whom her relationship is further close. Likewise, the people of Gyut
render help at the time of death. The Ladakhis have to arrange a few
feasts after the death of a person. The chief eaters are the Lamas and

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

Phasphuns. The Gyut families provide help while arranging the feast.
When a death occurs in the house of ‘X’, the ‘Y’, who is closely related,
and is from within the Gyut, also arranges for a feast, on his own behalf,
in the name of the dead. Such a feast is arranged in the dead person’s
house but all its expenses are incurred by one outside the family. When
someone is not in a position to manage the feast for the whole day, he
may share expenses for a portion of it. If no adult member is left in a
family to look after the minor children, the responsibility of their bring¬
ing up falls on Gyut families. One of the families, closely related,
assumes the responsibility of rearing the minor ones till they come to
a position to stand on their own feet. The work is taken up as part of
moral responsibility vested in Gyut. If the Gyut families are not in a
position to manage, the matter is looked into by the members of Phasphun,
a still wider social group. The helpless ones are, thus, not left in lurch.
Even if the relationship of Gyut does not mark two families they may
help each other in various walks of life. For instance they can borrow
each other’s bullock for ploughing, as also exchange labour help. In
harvesting and other agriculture activities they render help on the basis
of reciprocity. Assistance, in cash and kind, is also provided on various
festive occasions, including marriage. On the other extreme some
families are in conflict with one another. In that case they withdraw their
mutual cooperation. The land and physical beating of an individual
under intoxication form major basis of conflict.

In spite of the fact that the Gyut members are related through blood
they do not necessarily belong to a common Phasphun. The families
from the same Gyut may join different Phasphuns. It does not mean that
no two families of a Gyut can become Phasphun to one another, From
the existing network of Gyuts and Phasphuns it is clear that the factors,
other than kinship, are also taken into account in the selection of
Phasphuns. Rather, the kinship consideration is comparatively less
important. Gyut membership is determined by birth, while Phasphun
membership is voluntary and is based on the worship of a common god.

Phasphun and family

The help at the time of birth, death and marriage is mutually rendered
by specific families. These families, and the members thereof, are known
as Phasphun of each other. It is a brotherhood pool where members
are not necessarily related through blood and marriage. When the
grand-parents and the parents in a family die, leaving helpless minor
children, the Phasphun members come to their rescue and protection.
One of the Phasphun families looks after these children and takes the
responsibility of their bringing up. Some family volunteers for the job.
When no one comes forward the heads of Phasphun families organise
a meeting and decide as to who would do the needful. No family would
disrespect the decision. It is always carried out for the sake of unity in

THE LADAKHI

Phasphun. When the members of a family desire to live separately,
Phasphun representatives are informed. Readily responding to the
call they make impartial division of the family property. Their decisions
are binding and are agreed upon without resentment.

The network of relation in Phasphun organization is, thus, of an
important nature. And its members try to keep it up. The membership
of Phasphun is limited. Rut there is no hard bound restriction to its
increase or decrease in terms of strength. In general, once a family
is member of a particular Phasphun it continues to be so. When an
issueless couple adopts someone the adopted one also joins the same
Phasphun as that of the adopting parents. He or she ceases to be a
member of the earlier Phasphun. The families of Phasphun do not
object to such a rearrangement. The additions are treated as regular
members of the group.

Phasphun, as defined by the Ladakhis, is a social group composed
of a few families whose members worship a common god and help one
another on all festive and sad occasions. All the Phasphun families
have common La (god) and they together worship him on the occasion
of Losar. The members of such families are not necessarily connected
through descent or any other kinship ties. Social group apart, the
Phasphun also refers to the relationship as a Ladakhi is often heard
remarking that so and so is his Phasphun. There is no definite size
defined for a Phasphun group; it varies from group to group.

The composition of the Phasphun groups, as found during the
course of my fieldwork, is as under.

Table showing the size of Phasphun groups

SI.

Size of Phasphun

Total number of

No.

No. of families
(included)

families represented

Percentage

up to 5

32.00

6 to 10

183

61.00

11 to 15

5.00

Above 15

Nil

It may also be mentioned that three famlies do not belong to any
Phasphun group. In this sense they live independently. The heads of
the other three families informed that they do not know the number of
families in their Phasphun groups. But it is obvious from the above
table that the size of a Phasphun group does not exceed fifteen families.
More (61.00%) of the Phasphun, however, retain a composition of
six to ten families.

It may further be mentioned that a Phasphun group does not
correspond to any territorial unit. At times one or two families, out

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

of a Phasphun group, may be related through kinship. But there is no
hard and fast rule about it. Even the neighbouring families do not
necessarily belong to a common Phasphun group. There are cases where
two families, living in close proximity, are not connected through Phas¬
phun relationship. Rather, the Phasphuns of the other two families are
those living at distant places. Sometimes the families living in different
villages are found sharing a common Phasphun group. For instance,
Wangyal from Sabu has all his Phasphuns living in Shee village. And
all the four Phasphun families worship Chozhanskang god of Hemis
monastery. But the latter practice is reported in case of those who do
not have, in the village, the families of their own ethnic group. The
Gara, Mon and Beda are usually having one family each in almost every
village. At the same time they are not permitted to be Phasphun to
Ladakhis. Under the circumstances the Phasphuns of a Gara would
be the Gara families from other villages. Similar is the position of Mon
and Beda. But in case of the Ladakhis the Phasphuns are, in most of
the cases, from within the village. It is always preferred that a Phasphun
family does not live in some far off village.

The Phasphun group of the Ladakhis cannot, in any way, be equated
to a clan group. The members of Phasphun are not necessarily connec¬
ted through common descent. They can even marry each other when
they are not lineally related through kinship. The Gyut members do
not marry each other but there is no such bar to Phasphuns, if other
things permit. Again the clan name of a man does not normally change
if he joins his wife’s residence after marriage. But the Phasphun of a
man, among Ladakhis, would change under this circumstance. The
man is immediately dissociated from his original Phasphun group and
accepted as a member of his father-in-law’s Phasphun group. Thus, the
individuals from the Phasphun group keep on drifting, affecting the total
strength of the group. Likewise the composition of a Phasphun group
is again disturbed when some family leaves the Phasphun group, or if
some new one joins. Leaving of a Phasphun group involves no ritual
or ceremony. But for the new entrant it is necessary to worship the god
owned by the Phasphun wished to be joined. The worship involves
offerings of small white flags and Khatak. The occasion is also marked
by the offering of Chang and Gur Gur to all the Phasphun members. All
members of the Phasphun know the name and location of their common
god. The image of Phasphun god is kept in a Gompa or in a house of some
Phasphun family. It may also be installed on a hillock.

The religious element does play an important role in the structure
and function of Phasphun group. The entire network of relationship
is maintained under the fear of common god. If the prescribed pattern
of duties and obligations is not observed, the Phasphun god may get
indifferent and come hard on the members. The common god is also
held responsible for general welfare of the Phasphun. With this back¬
ground the Ladakhis cannot afford to annoy him. All the Phasphun

THE LADAKHI

members, together, perform an elaborate annual worship to appease
the Phasphun god. They all visit the place and make necessary offerings.

It is through the god of Phasphun that link is maintained with the
wider monastic religion. He must belong either to the Red or the Yellow
Sect of Buddhism. Some of the Phasphun gods from Sabu are linked
with Hemis Gompa, a Red Sect monastery ; and the rest to Spituk Gompa,
the Yellow Sect monastery. If a bigger Gompa does not exist in near
vicinity, the Phasphun god is associated with some Vihara (smaller
Gompa) located at the nearest point. The association with the chief
monastery is then represented through Vihara. The existence of such
an arrangement points to another important characteristic of Phasphun
group. The members of a Phasphun group must belong to one of the
two religious sects existing in Ladakh. They do follow either the Red
or the Yellow sect. In order, therefore, that the god may not get annoyed,
all families show respect to their roles and duties. For instance the dead
body of one of the Phasphun members is taken care of by the people
of Phasphun. Till the time of cremation it remains in the custody of
Phasphun s. It is only they who make the dead body arrange in sitting
posture. Only a Phasphun manages for fire to cremate the dead body.
Further, the Phasphuns look after the mourners as well as the Lamas.
They are to be fed and extend other possible comforts. The property
and other belongings of the bereaved family are also watched by the
Phasphun families. One of the superstitious beliefs of the Ladakhis is
that the water channels in the village should not be crossed by the spouse
of the dead person for atleast one month after the death. If anybody
overlooks the taboo he is bound to bring bad luck to the villagers.
The channels may also dry up and cause drought and disease. In order
that no channel is crossed, the person concerned, if has a house in the
middle of the village, is temporarily accommodated in a Phasphun’ s house
located on the outskirts of the village. If no such arrangement is made
the person stays in a tent temporarily erected for the purpose. During
the mourning period following death the household work as well as the
fields, crops and animals of the bereaved family are looked after by the
Phasphuns. The family concerned need not bother for such work. As
in case of death the help is also rendered when the marriage takes place
in one of the Phasphun families.

In spite of the involvement of social and religious obligations as
part of Phasphun network there is no compulsion that no family from
the group would ever leave it, or no new family would freshly be admitted.
Some may leave the group, while others may join. The disintegration
of a Phasphun group may occur when some member families decide to
settle at some distant place. They, then, prefer to join a new Phasphun
in the immediate surrounding. Thus, disintegration of one group cuases
strengthening of the other. The structural disruption is also caused
when there brooms an inter-family conflict in Phasphun group. Thirdly,
when a Phasphun group becomes unmanageable, from the point of its

FAMILY LINEAGE AND PHASPHUN

numerical strength, some people voluntarily decide to back out. The
feeing is that smaller the group the better is its efficiency in terms of services.
Yet another trend has lately been generated. Of late the Ladakhis got
divided into two political groups, namely, Congress ‘A’ and Congress
‘B’. This happened in view of supporting their respective candidate
in the formal elections of Parliament and State Assembly. This division
reflected on Phasphun groups which also go divided into ‘A’ and ‘B’.
With this some members decided to leave their original Phasphun group
and join one of their own political interest. The trend led to reorgani¬
sation of the Phasphun groups. This kind of process has, thus, adversely
reacted to the traditional social formation. Alongwith the contraction
or expansion of Phasphun groups the nature of relationship among the
members also changed, more from smooth to strained ones. The new
trends have caused yet another change in Phasphun organisation. This
is again an outcome of the influence of new political trends. Prior to
1947, when the Kalhons used to be in power, every Ladakhi family in
Kalhan’s neighbourhood, village and jurisdiction, used to be regarded
as his Phasphun family. All such families rendered help to Kalhon’s
family on festbe as weii as the mourning occasions. But then the Kalhon
and his family members never reciprocated. This type of system started
collapsing after the Kalhon’s position ceased to be recognised as high
in the new political set-up. This compelled the Kalhon families to have
a few Phasphuns on the basis of reciprocity of services. Now the rela¬
tionship is reciprocal rather than of om way, presenting a more democratic
look.

Like the Phasphun relationship, characterised by help and coopera¬
tion, there is the Chhasphun relation whereunder two Ladakhis, from two
different families, render assistance to one another. The Chhasphun
relationship is between two individuals and not between the families as
observed in case of the Phasphun. Kinship does not form the basis of
Chhasphun relation . As a procedure two persons , married or unmarried,
of the opposite sex and of any age decide to get into brother sister rela¬
tionship. Such persons are from different families and usually not
related. For similar thinking and ideas, they develop liking for each
other. A stage comes when they decide to be declared as Chhasphun
to each other. A worship, as prerequisite, to solidify this relationship
is then performed. It is performed by the Lamas. After the worship
is over, the Lamas make two knots in the name of individuals. This
certifies the declaration of two as Chhasphun. The declaration does
define certain obligations and usuages which are to be observed by the
persons concerned. They cannot marry each other nor think of indul¬
ging in sexual relationship. Ceremonial exchange of things between the
two is recommended. Chhasphuns look to each other’s comforts and
well-being.

The Phaspun group is again vital in the classification of village

THE LADAKHI

community. Member of every Phasphun group categorically classify
the Ladakhis of their village into two divisions :

1. Those who eat in most of the feasts connected with birth and
death.

2. Those who do not eat in all the birth and death feasts. They do
so in certain specific ones.

In the first category are included the members of ones own Phasphun
group plus those of the Gyut. The rest of the people are grouped under
the second category. Thus if a child is born in Phasphun ‘A’, then all
its members would join in the feast connected with the occasion. They
may also be joined by the Gyut members of the family in which the birth
has taken place. But the rest of the people would join only in the feast
organized after the monthly worship, meant for the new born, is over.
The participation of Phasphuns and the Gyut members at equal level,
in the context under reference shows that the persons connected through
the worship of a common god are as important as those connected through
kniship. Another idea, underlined in the system, is to reduce the economic
burden on the family arranging the feast. In the big network of feasts,
which Ladakhis observe, if all participate all the time the burden on the
host would be too much. As a relief mechanism only the closest members
are made to join the feasts. In order that rest of the village community
is not altogether ignored, its members are invited to participate in one
birth and one death feast. In other word the large village community
is given a secondary place; the first goes to ones own Pahsphuns and
Gyut people.

Institution of Marriage

The process of marrying involves an interplay of kniship, religion,
economy and certain other traits of Ladakhi culture. Those connected
through kniship help arrange a suitable match. They also define the
sphere of avoidance. The religious men pave way for clearance at various
stages. Economy determines the state of marriage. The other traits
contribute in other context.

For various reasons the Ladakhis consider marrying as essential.
One consideration is that when the parents become old, they need addi¬
tional hands to look after the family and its property. The requirement
is metwith through marriage. The second consideration for marrying
is to have children who maintain the line of descent. Thirdly, the people
feel that marriage regularise sex relations. It is feared that there would
be chaos if sex relationship is not regulated through marriage. More
men are married than the women and the trend is an outcome of polyand-
rouns system. Sometimes the age of a husband is far less than the wife.
This again is attributed to polyandry. When the eldest brother marries,
the youngest brother, who has to share the same wife, may be very
young in age. Because of this age-old practice the Ladakhis do not mind
having wives older to them. Even in monogamous unions, the age of
the wife, in most of the cases, is higher than the husband.

Among the Ladakhis the marital position is as under.

Table showing the material position

SI. •
No.

Marital

position

•»

Number of persons

Total

Percentage

Male

Female

Married

401

389

790

43.74

Unmarried

432

476

908

50.28

Widow

2.77

Widowers

2.16

Deserted

•

and

•

divorced

.i. w *

1.05

THE LADAKHI

The percentage of unmarried (50.28) is comparatively high. More
of them belong to lower age-group which is not okeyed for marrying.
This category also includes those who are dedicated to religion. Being
Lamas and Chomos they do not marry. More of these are males.

When the boy attains marriageble age (which varies from 18 to 24
years; child marriage is avoided because under difficult conditions
one may not be able to support the wife at young age), his father or
guardian, with the help of other relatives, expresses the choice for a
particular girl. It is preferred to select the girl from a family having
reasonably good social position and some landed property. The selec¬
tion of the girl is done from a family not related to the parents through
any direct or indirect kinship bond. The family may be from within
or outside the village. When these preconditions are not locally metwith,
the Ladakhis go to far off places to select the girl. Leh people may be
married as far as Zanskar, Nubra, etc. Consideration like clan exogamy
is missing as there are no clans among Ladakhis. The wife’s sister is a
preferred mate (the only exception where already existing affinal links
are ignored). Families found connected through three to four genera¬
tions are avoided for marriage. Usually the families so connected cor¬
respond to Gyut which is always exogamous social group.

Before contacting the girl’s parents, a religious specialist, called
Onpo (astrologer), is consulted for the future prospects of the match.
Onpo determines whether the Loh of the boy and the girl match or not.
Loh is one of the 12 years (Piwa, Lung, Tak, Yoz, Dug, Dul, Tah, Lhuk,
Speh, Chah, Khee, Phak) to which the boy belongs. His year is then
compared with that of the girl. If the readings for the two are found
supportive the match is approved. In many cases a written document
giving terms and consent for marriage is prepared. It used to be more
popular when polyandry was the chief form of marriage. Only after
getting a clearace from Onpo the girl’s party is approached. Boy’s
maternal uncle, his father or the father’s brother contact the members of
the girl’s family. A few litres of Chang, a ring and a Khatak are carried
along. The step is termed as Nhin Chang. The party members express
the desire. The acceptance of Chang and Khatak approves the proposal.
While putting the proposal, the boy’s father request saying Zu-Zu. To
start — with the value of bride-price is kept high but it is decreased to
Rs. 300/- to Rs. 400/ when requested. At times the amount of bride
price touches thousand. The bride-price is cleared by giving cash and
articles like gold, silver, corals, turquois, clothes, goats, sheep etc. The
payment can be made in instalments, even after marriage. Agreement
in reagrd to bride-price and Chang is written in the presence of Goba.
This is, however not sufficient becuase the proposal also needs an approval
of other close relatives from both sides. As a result the members of both
the parties meet again in the girls house. The boy’s party supplies Chang,
butter and tea to be used on the occasion. This assembly decides that
the girl would be spared for marriage. In some cases a third call, accom-

INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE

partied by Chang, butter, Our Gur, Khatak etc., is also made. On this
occasion, a ring or some turquois may also be given to the girl. The
bride-price, if desired, can be paid on this occasion. More the number
of visits to girl’s place, more the Chang they carry. Either on second or
third call the Phasphuns of the girl as well as of the boy also come to
participate in the ceremony. The Phasphuns and others are treated at
par. The visit with Chang is sometimes termed as Chat-Chang.

According to Ladakhi custom if the girl’s marriage is performed at
her parental place, she is to be given more Rak-Tak (trousseau and
ornaments). But if the girl shifts to her maternal uncle’s house or for
that matter to some other relative’s house, and gets married there, the
Rak-Tak value is minimised to a very large extent. The very shifting of
the girl to a relative’s house indicates that her father is not economically
sound to afford all expenses of her marriage. With this background
in view, more of Rak-Tak is not desired.

To select an auspicious day for marriage, the Onpo is again consul¬
ted. On the appointed day, the boy’s father, his relatives and Phasphuns
(numbering 6 to 10 persons), gather to form the marriage party. A horse
is taken along the party. On the way back the bride rides on it. Only
one female, of the age of bride, accompanies the marriage party. She,
on back, guides the bride and helps her in various ways. The boy, who
is to be married, does not join marriage party. He stays back in the
house and sends his representative with the marriage party to escort the
bride. The members of the marriage party are known as Nyopas. The
clothes for the bride, and Chang for others are carried along. They
also carry raw food material which is cooked by the bride’s people and
served to them. The person who is sent to escort the bride performs all
the rites which the real bridegroom would have done. This practice
approves that a female may be shared by a person other than the real
husband. It may be that the keeping of a common wife by two to three
brothers, and the practice of keeping a Phorsak might have also origi¬
nated from this practice. The system of polyandry must have had some
bearing to the practice of sending an escort in place of the bride-groom.
If he can afford the bridegroom’s father gives a full dress to every member
of the marriage party. Bow and arrow are also taken along. The bride’s
relatives close the door when the marriage party reaches there. It is
opened only when bridegroom’s maternal uncle donates ten rupees.

At the bride’s house the members of the marriage party dance and
enjoy their stay. Simultaneously the Lamas start Yangup or Yanguk
worship through the reading of sacred books meant for the occasion.
After sharing the feast arranged by the bride’s people, the escort
is asked to place a Khatak round the head of the bride. This is
done on behalf of the bridegroom. She is also saked to go with the
person who has offered her Khatak. This moment assumes an emotional
shape when the bride and her parents start shedding tears. She is then
embraced by various relatives and friends present on the occasion. They

t&E LAbAKHi

also pacify her by giving presents and Khataks which, add to her posse¬
ssion. Simultanesouly she is advised to keep up the norms of ideal
behaviour while in husband’s house. The parents give her clothes,
utencils, boxes, domesticated animals etc. At the same time the bride’s
mother demands for a Zo-Rintho or Ome-Rin (price of milk) from the
parents of the bridegroom. It is expressed that she has fed her milk
to the bride and reared her, and now that the bride is taken away, her
price should be paid for. Her demand is met with then and there. The
amount of such compensation is, however, meagre.

Apart from the worship performed by the Lamas, the role of religion
in marriage is again marked prior to the bride’s departure. She enters
into her Chotkang (worship room of the family) and seeks blessing, for
happy married life, from gods and goddesses. It is also interpreted
that the departing bride prays for the welfare and prosperity of her
parents who are deprived of her services. At the same time the final
permission to leave the house is always sought from the gods and goddess¬
es of Chotka.ng. The bride, alongwith the marriage party and her
father or father’s sister or maternal uncle, then starts for the bridegroom’s
place. The time of departure is so adjusted that the bride should enter
the bridegroom’s village in the darkness of night. She should not enter
into day time. The bride either walks down the distance, or is made to
ride a pony or horse. These days they also travel by Bus or Truck, if
they happen to get one on the way. The stay of marriage party in bride’s
house depends on the distance. They return on the same day if marriage
takes place in the same village. If the distance is more, the party returns
on the next day. When the marriage takes place in two families of the
same village, the bride on her way to the bridegroom’s house is accom¬
panied by her parents too. But if she has to go to a different village the
father alone goes with her. The father of the bride keeps on consoling
her for all comforts in new house. At the same time he meets the bride¬
groom. It is believed that the bride, as a stranger, might bring ill-luck
or misfortune if her entry is not marked by a particular ceremony. Such
a ceremony is observed when the bride approaches the bridegroom’s house.
The ceremony is known as Zab-Luk and its performance marks the
avoidance of any misfortune which the bride might have carried as a
stranger. An earthen pot containing dirt, residues and leftovers of
various kinds is whirled round the head of the bridegroom. This is
done by a Lama who also recites hymns and murmurs something.
The pot is then thrown against a stone to break it into pieces. With such
a breaking, the misfortune, if any, accompanying the bride, is kept
away. The breaking of pot in the first instance also marks a successful
marriage. In some cases no pot is broken but some Turma, dirty things,
are just thrown. This also helps scare away the ghost or evil spirit.
Zab-Luk is followed by heavy consumption of Chang accompanied by
brisk dancing and music.

The next important event relates to bride’s relationship with the

INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE

mother-in-law. Superiority of mother-in-law’s position over that of
the daughter-in-law is suggested. Right in the initial stage, a bride is
reminded of her subservience. Till the dance followed after Zab-Luk
is over, the bride continues to sit outside the main door of the bridegroom’s
house. She waits for her mother-in-law to come to assure her a good
treatment and protection in the new house. Directed by the mother-
in-law, the bride ultimately enters into the house. She is made to sit
close to the family kitchen and is later joined by the bridegroom. When
the two sit together, they are blessed by the seniors for a happy and
healthy life. The Lamas read sacred literature showering blessings on
the couple. This worship further helps avoid ill-luck, if a.ny, in the future
of the couple. When this worship, called Lap-Zang, is over the Lamas
are served food and given two to five rupees each for their service. The
bride and the bridegroom are made to dine in a common container and
with a common spoon. The next important role is then played by the
man who escorted the bride from her home to that of the bridegroom.
This signifies handing over charge of the bride to the bridegroom. And
mere placing a silken gauze around the head of the bridegroom guaran¬
tees the same. This silken gauze is termed as Goras. It is only on this
occasion that the nature of the marital union, as to whether it will be
monogamous or polyandrous, is decided. In case the younger brother/s
of the bridegroom are keen to share a common wife, they need express
their consent. As part of the latter, they are made to wear one Goras
each. The ceremony, in their case, is performed by the man who escorted
the bride. The bride does not object to her being shared, as wife, by
more than one husband because she feels that her position remains more
secured with two or three husbands. The brothers who join such a
wedlock cannot easily backout. Their privilege of going out as Magpas
is curtailed and at the same time they cannot marry any other female
without the common wife’s consent. In a polyandrous wedlock the
eldest brother enjoys a superior position. The rest remain subservient
to him.

Ways of acquiring mates

1. Pakhton or Zhomson : The procedure grants liberty to the boy and
the girl concerned to decide about their union. They fall in love with
each other and decide to marry. Their parents may either come into
the picture at a late stage, or they may not at all be informed of the
intentions and acts of the boy and the girl. At times, the maternal uncle
of the boy, or the girl may be informed of the development with the
expectation that he would pass on the news to the parents. If need be,
the maternal uncle of the boy may call on the girl’s parents with Chang
and other articles of presentation. This is done to pacify their anger,
if any. The carrying of Chang may be repeated if demanded. Other
things are settled by offering Khataks to girl’s Gyut members and

THE LADAKHI

maternal uncle. This is, of course, done when the boy and girl have
already started living together as husband and wife. With such a silent
start of married life no bride-price is claimed. During this procedure of
mate selection no ceremonies or rituals are performed. It is the simplest
method of marrying. Since the decision could be independently taken
by the concerned boy and the girl, the neolocal residence is resorted to.

2. Nama Khyon : This is the most popular way of acquiring mate in
Ladakhi society. At all stage the parents of the boy and the girl intervene.
The long procedure, already explained in the process of marrying, forms
the major ingredient of Nama Khyon. As it is an arranged marriage,
matters are made clear in advance to avoid any complication at later
stage. This way of marrying, poses more bindings on the spouses
concerned. It may be because things take shape with the concurrence
of relatives and other community members. The chance of dissolution
of such marriage is far less in comparison to Zhomson where societal
pressure gets inaffective.

Nama Khyon way of acquiring mate is treated as orthodox style
involving Onpo, Lama and others. The Onpo, a kind or oracle, approves
of the feasibility of match; the Lamas then materialise the marriage and
finally the community approves. Because of the more elaborate process
and involvement of various kinds of people, both sacred and secular, the
marital links are believed to remain strong. The marriage so arranged
has the least scope for dissolution.

3. Shorshom : When a marriage does not materialise through mutual
consent of the boy and the girl, for reason of resistance from parents, an
alternative is provided for. The latter is also operative in a case where a
boy wants to marry a particular girl, but the latter expresses her unwilling¬
ness. This alternative is Shorshom, that is, marriage through elopment.
The boy manages to run away with the girl without intimating his or
her parents. They go to some new place and settle down as husband
and wife. For long their whereabouts are not disclosed. This kind
of union may also be established between an unmarried man and a
married woman, as also between a married man and an unmarried girl.
However, the frequency of such alliances is negligible. Generally the
Shorshom is a feature characterizing two unmarried persons of opposite
sex. Like Zhomson, no ceremonies or rituals are invloved in Shorshom.
However, when the parents come to know about the wedlock, and if
both the parties are keen, they may regularise the union by deciding
upon a few things. The bride-price and marriage feasts may also be
decided upon. Such regularisation may be done even after years of
married life of the couple. In such an instance the marriage feast is
just a token. At the same time no religious rites mark the occasion.
Only the couple wear Goras and say Zu Zu to the invitees. Next day
a deputation is led to the parents of abducted one to say Zu Zu and to

INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE

give them some presents. Its acceptance marks their consent. And
if they reject the offer they challenge to recover the girl by force.

Some informants reported that the Ladakhi s also acquire mates
through exchange. A girl from family ‘X’ gets married to a boy of
family of ‘Y’. Then the family ‘Y’ would spare a girl for a boy of family
‘X’. This is the instance of direct exchange. There is yet another kind
of exchange. When there are two girls in a family ‘A’, and no boy, and
when both of them are married to two real brothers of a different family,
say CR' one of the brothers remains Magpa in family ‘A’. At the same
time one girl from family ‘A’ goes to stay with her husband in family ‘B\
The final position supports that a girl has been exchanged for a boy.

Forms of marriage

Among Ladakhis there are a few forms of marriage. One cf these
is Magpa whereunder a boy after his marriage leaves his parental
residence and goes to stay with the family of his wife. This is largely
resorted to in the absence of male sibling to the wife. But some Magpa
marriages were also recorded in families where the wives are having one
or more brothers. In latter cases the Magpas (sometimes the husband who
comes to live in wife’s family is also referred as Magpa) joined on the
condition that they would extend help in various agriculture and other
activities. The Magpa marriage is, otherwise, done with the view that
the daughter’s husband would be helpful in looking after the property,
including land and livestock. At the same time, his joining would keep
up the house name. Some informants have also stated that when a
couple is not blessed with a son for many years, they decide to keep a
Magpa. Later on, if the son is born to the couple the Magpa continues
to stay on. A Magpa is simply a caretaker as the property remains in the
name of his wife. At the same time, he will have no right in his
ancestral property. And even if he is divorced, he cannot claim it. If a
Magpa becomes widower, without having children, he returns back to
stay in his parental house.

According to customary law the daughter would be the heiress in
the absence of son. Under such circumstances she selects a landless man
as her husband. By virtue of her being heiress, she enjoys good position.
She not only dominates her husband but can get rid of him without more
of excuse. In latter case, she would be free to marry again. Anybody
would like to marry her because of her being heiress. Out of 373 marriages
in 300 families, 38 have been reported as of Magpa form.

Although Magpa marriages are common, the normal form of
marriage is Bagma. In Bagma marriage patrilocal practice is the rule.
Neolocal pattern of residence also exists among the Ladakhis. In Magpa
and Bagma marriages, the parental consent is a prerequisite. These
marriages are, therefore, arranged ones. But when a boy and a girl,
independent of parents, take the decision of marrying each other, they

THE LADAKHI

go in for a new house. However, the parents of such a couple, who start
leading a married life, do come to know of the step. Sometimes the
information reaches them after the couple is blessed with a child.
Whatever may be the circumstance, the parents of such a couple do
formally arrange, for marriage ceremonies after getting the news of
couple’s cohabitation. The parents’ approval is accorded only after
the formal celebration of marriage.

Residence apart, the forms of marriage are also decided by the number
of husbands and wives. The Ladakhi marriages are primarily monoga¬
mous followed, in order of popularity, by polyandry and polygyny.
Fraternal polyandry, with a maximum of three husbands, is more widely
prevalent than polygyny. The latter is a rare occurence.

A detailed account of the nature and form of marriages (out of
373 marriages) is as under.

Table showing form and nature of marriages

SI.

No.

Nature and form
of marriage

Number of cases

Percentage

Monogamous

336

90.08

Polyandrous

7.77

Polygynous

2.15

The table reveals that 90.08% of the Ladakhi marriages are mono¬
gamous. The polyandrous marriages being 7.77% of the total show a
a declining trend. The emergence of polygyny is believed to be a later
phenomenon.

Polyandry

The Ladakhis have been practising fraternal polyandry. A maximum
of three men could be reported sharing a common wife. In the past,
an outsider, other than the real brothers, could also join the wedlock.
Such a man used to be known as Phorsak who was inducted in family
by the common wife. This was mainly with the consent of the eldest
husband. The man, so inducted was more favourite as he was brought
by the choice of the woman herslf. But in the present study of three
hundred families no case of Phorsak could be reported. However,
whenever it existed, it spoke of non-fraternal polyandry among the
Ladakhis. Some informants have reported that a few Bedas still keep
up the Phorsak practice to maintain the largeness of the group. At
one point of time the practice of Phorsak was prevalent among all the
Ladakhi Buddhists. Now some stray cases of this kind are said to be
prevailing among Gara, Mon and Beda only. It is also reported among

Institution of marriagF

the Dogpas. When a married Dogpa female gets interested in someone,
other than the husband., she invites him to be the additional husband,
without even consulting the original husband. A Phorsak, in general,
is from the same social group. But if it is arranged from a different
ethnic group, the man has to change his ethnic identity as per that of the
woman. A Phorsak has some claim on the property of female.

It is probably because of the continuance of Phorsak practice by
Mon, Beda and Gara that their social position has been lowered down.
But it may also be true that they are already being socially low, they kept
up the tradition. A Phorsak may be managed, to seek sexual satisfac¬
tion, to have more manpower, to keep up emotional promise through
friendship and to get concieved if the earlier husband is incapable of doing
that. When a man accepts to be Phorsak, he leaves his parental home
and property to join at the new place. Rather, he ceases to have claim
on the parental property. Phorsak can also be one who is already
married. In that case he will have to leave his first wife to join the second.

According to Ladakhi customary law when the eldest brother marries,
the younger ones can also share the wife as co-husbands. There is
social sanction for sexual indulgence with the common wife. As recogni¬
tion of their being the husbands of a common wife, the younger brother
like the eldest one, are also offered Khataks at the time of marriage. But
still the eldest brother has more right over the female. In his presence
in the house the younger ones keep away. The same privillege is inheri¬
ted by the next elder when the eldest is away. The children born of a
polyandrous union call all husbands of a common wife as father, making
only a distinction of elder or younger. No child is specifically marked
as belonging to a particular husband. But the eldest husband is said
to have more claim. In normal course the children are referred as
belonging to the eldest brother. Children are treated as the property
of the husbands and so are looked after jointly. What Pran Chopra
observed could not be supported by any of my informants. Chopra
(1964:67) stated that “complications regarding paternal relations were
forestalled by wise wife by adopting an arbitrary system of her own to
fix the paternity of each child. Either she decided and declared the
paternity of the child before its birth or else fathered her children upon
the various brothers in a series determined by her”. Polyandry is more
among those who are predominantly agriculturists.

In polyandrous unions the terms in respect of the position and
privileges of various husbands are clearly diflned. Out of all the brothers,
the eldest one would be loved the most by the common wife. As all
husbands are aware of the practice they do not feel jealous of the preference.
She spends more time with the eldest brother. Her intimacy with him
is more. The common wife is more responsive to the eldest husband.
But at the same time she would also sexually and otherwise satisfy the
younger husbands. At the same time, she would, under the rule, have
an upper hand over them. To them she may even behave as an autho-

THE LAttAKHi

ritarian. So long as they share her they cannot marry any female. If
one of them is keen to marry, he will have to seek her permission through
the eldest brother. Such rules are respected but the avoidance too is
not taken with any seriousness. Foi instance, if a wife starts showing
more love and affection to the younger husband, the eldest one leaves.
She is then left at the mercy of younger brothers.

Among the reasons, in support of polyandry, the following are more
notable.

1. The inhospitable geographic conditions promote polyandrous
system. As the meagre limited resource cannot sustain large popu¬
lation, people adopt the system as a check to population growth.

2. Again, the difficult conditions enthuse people to live jointly.
Under the latter pattern they can live a healthy and happy life. Poly¬
andry provides favourable climate to joint living and cooperation needed
to earn livelihood under harsh conditions. Therefore, in order that
the family members can remain united, the practice of keeping a common
wife has been resorted to. The polyandrous practice restrains separation
among the brothers.

3. The Ladakhis have always stressed that the women should be
provided, adequate protection and hence they are not to be left alone.
But then the pattern o-f division of labour among the Ladakhis always
demanded one or two men to go out with the flock of animals for longer
durations. In summer they have been going to still higher altitude for
grazing of animals. But for woman’s protection someone is to stay
back. And whosoever stay back is to be granted sex privilege. Such
a system also favours polyandry.

4. Under the conditions where agriculture produce, is bare suffi¬
cient for subsistence, and the surplus is almost non-existent, the joint
living through polyandrous union is prferred because the running of
a common kitchen and sharing other things in common piove moic
economical. It is calculated that spendings in polyandrous families
are less, and hence the practice.

5. Becuase of the undulating and rocky terrain, the cultivable
patches of land are available only in the valleys. As the cultivable land
holdings are small, their further fragmentation would make them, econo¬
mically, still unviable. The Ladakhis believe that one way to stop
fragmentation of land is to go in for polyandry. When brothers stay
together in polyandrous union the land fragmentation will not be done.
In the polyandrous system the brothers remain united and so the land
holdings. Rather, it is looked after with greater care.

6. It has also been stated that in comparison to any other form of
joint living, the living together in polyandrous family is nore conducive
to the maintenance of healthy intra-family relations. Because of the
interest in common wife, and with the eldest brother’s position as
supreme, most of ways remain in order. The dependence on common wife
and the eldest brother is of such an order that norms-network is always

mSTlTUriON OF marriage

kept intact. The deviations from the ideal norms of intra-family beha¬
viour are rarely marked. An atmosphere of subservience and coor-
diality marks a polyandrous family. Loyality to the eldest brother is
prominent feature of a polyandrous family. All the above considera¬
tions promote the cause of polyandry.

7. There is yet another economic base of polyandrous practice.
The Ladakhis believe that in polyandrous families the division of labour
is possible in more appropriate form than in monogamous ones where
the manpower lacks. More attention, thus, can be given to agriculture,
animal husbandry and other works at hand. The output, in general, is
believed to be better with more hands to attend. Interpretations of
this kind promote polyandry.

8. Lately, the polyandry is also practised as continuity of old custom.
The members of older generation persuade their sons and daughters
to go in for polyandrous unions.

9. Under the traditional social system, a great importance is given
to polyandrous families. Such families were, at one time given superior
social status. Polyandrous unions earned appreciation from one and
all. As survival of the past, some Bhotos continue to give importance
to the practice. Such a support helps to keep up the system.

10. The custom of polyandry also seeks support from the feeling
that it provides more freedom to women. While living in such wedlock
there is no chance of their liberty being curtailed.

11. An account of the origin of polyandry among the Ladakhis also
provides the reason for it. Keeping in view the holistic perspective, it
can be interpreted that the polyandrous system originated out of the
necessity of adaptation of human beings to the most difficult external
ecological conditions. In the absence of alien source of income, the
indigenous sources were not found sufficient for people’s existence (Land
and livestock were the chief source on which the Ladakhis could depend).
Cultivable land has all through been limited. For animals, the grazing
facility and fodder were again limited. At the same time there was no
scope for exapansion. Under the circumstances any fast rise of popula¬
tion could never be supported with meagre local resource. This might
have made Ladakhis think of ways for curtailing fast population growth.
And one of these could be the introduction of polyandry, and the other,
the dedication of some boys and girls to monasteries. The latter had
to lead a life of celibacy. It was calculated that if all the brothers in the
family keep individual wives, they would have more children than what
they could have by keeping one wife in. common. But then the custom
deprived many women from marrying. These surplus women could
be adjusted through Chomo formation. They dedicated the life to
religion and could never get married under the norms of religion. Thus,
the religious institutions helped to stabilise the system of polyandry. Else
the surplus females could become a probelm in society. The society
devised yet another method to sustain the system of polyandry. The

TliE LADAKHI

rules of male primogeniture was introduced. The eldest brother, in
family, thus alone inherited the land and other property. The rest of the
brothers had to depend upon him for their livelihood. Or they
could opt to become Lamas. There was left no other avenue to act
upon. Under the customary rules of Ladakhi society, one of the youn¬
gest brother had to become a Lama. The rest joined the eldest brother
who assured their existence. He allowed them to share his wife and
property. The economic compulsion, created out of primogniture,
made the younger brothers join the eldest brother for all these purposes.

In the above background, some informants have stated that the
system of polyandry was introduced, and has been maintained in the
interest of certain religious considerations. Some girls were required
for Gompa to promote the cause of religion. The religion being taken
as supreme among the Ladakhis, some girls had always to be spared for
the purpose. Such girls were not allowed to marry. Because of diver¬
sion of a large number of girls to monastery every man could not manage
to procure an independent wife. A few brothers then thought of keeping
a common wife. This version, of course, is contrary to another school
of thought which explains that Chomo formation was given birth to keep
up the system of polyandry. However, from both the versions it is clear
that the system of polyandry and the Chomo formation are inter-linked.
Which of the two gave rise to the other remains a controversy. Cunning¬
ham stated that the custom of polyandry has most probably been borrowed
from the polyandious Hindu race of Himalayan Kshatriyas, among
whom it has been preserved for at least 25 centuries. However, nothing
of this sort was explained by the respondents.

It has been reported that polyandry is towards decline for various
reasons. The government legislation against polyandry has had its own
impact. With this, the supporters of polyandry had to be a bit quite.
Being law-abiding, some Ladakhis extended respectablity to the legis¬
lation. The process of decline got further impetus when the law of
primogeniture got a setback. The inheritance has lately been on equal
basis. As such younger brothers need not necessarily depend on the
land and property inherited by the eldest. They can have their own
share. An anti-polyandry climax was further generated by the new
avenues of economic independence. In the post-Indian independence
era, there has been a rapid expanxion of job opportunities in Ladakh.
By now there are ample opportunities of earning for men as well as the
women. The growing economic independence has adversely reacted
to the practice of polyandry. Ladakhis contact with outsiders also led
to the decline of polyandry. The persons who did not know of polyandry,
and who got posted in Ladakh from other parts of the country, deplored
and condemned the custom. The outsiders viewed Ladakhi polyandry
from their own cultural background and found it outrightly immoral
and disgraceful. Their view point, in this regard, was even communi¬
cated to the local population. Under the circumstances some of the

INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE

Ladakhis planned to do away with the custom. Under the influence
of outsiders, they have already started speaking ill of the custom.

The rapid expansion fo formal education has indirectly led to the
conditions unfavourable to polyandry. When the educated Ladakhis
got into regular employment, they preferred to keep their independent
wives, rather than sharing a common one. At the same time some of
those who got posted to distant places preferred to keep their wives with
them. A common wife could not meet the new requirement. Among
the educated lot there is an increasing realisation that polyandry is not
a good custom and that it should be done away with. Another trend
which went against polyandry and has become more prominent during
the last two decades is the decline in the number of Chomos. At one
time, the Chomos, in large numbers, used to tay in the Gompa campus.
But lately the practice has, to a great deal, discontinued. A few of the
Chomos are still associated with monasteries but they, in general, stay in
their respective families. The decrease in Chomo formation could help
spare more girls for marriage purpose. This encouraged the trend to
monogamous marraiges.

Polygyny

In normal coruse the polygyny is discouraged. However, the ele¬
ments of compulsion and coincidence give rise to the practice. For
instance, when a married couple has two daughters and no son, a Magpa
is managed for the eldest daughter. At times it so happens that the
younger sister opts to stay on with elder one and the Magpa. The
Magpa and his wife’s younger sister do not get formally married but
they live like husband and wife. The two sisters develop understanding
and compromise in regard to a common man. They agree to divide the
work and continue to share the same house. This form of cohabi¬
tation comes up when Magpa and his wife’s youger sister develop liking
for each other. Others do not take the relationship with any seriousness.
In order that her work may be shared, the elder sister herself, at times,
wants to retain her younger sister with her. And the latter is tolerated
even when she develops sexual relations with the former’s husband. The
arrangement looks like concubine system than polygyny because the
relationship is not socially and formally recognised through marriage.

A compulsion to go in for polygyny arises when the first wife proves
barren. When a woman fails to beget child her husband decides to
marrry again. The first wife approves the poposal, and at the same time
continues to stay in the same house. The second wife is procured through
regular marriage recognised by the village community. In Ladakhi society,
the cases of polygyny are stray because the need for child is mainly met
through adoption rather than by having an additional wife. Even other¬
wise the Ladakhis discourage polygyny. For second marriage, if at
all it is to be done, a man prefers his wife’s sister. The latter’s parents

THE LADAKHI

express hesitation but ultimately agree when they are requested again and
again. An interesting case, where a man is keeping two wives at two
different places and managing both, was reported from Thiksay. The
man ‘X’, aged about 42 and employed in Central Reserve Police was
initially married to Sonam Chhoskit. From this wife he had three
daughters. But while posted at Leh, he arranged for another wife,
though not through regular marriage. The second wife was kept some
twelve years back. Now the man attends to both the wives living at
different places. With intervals of time he has arranged to stay with
both.

Endogamy and exogamy

The Ladakhis are endogamous within their ethnic group. They
do not, udner normal conditions, marry with Mon, Gara, Beda and others
including the Muslim and the Hindu population around. Some cases
of unions with the members of other religious groups could be reported,
but such alliances have no background of any regular marriage perfor¬
mance. In fact polyandry paved way for freedom to women, some of
whom fell to the men of other religions. Such unions are taken for
granted and none attaches seriousness to them. Ghulam Ali, born of
Muslim father and a Buddhist mother, and a resident of Spituk remained
Muslim for about 40 years in his early life. He then had a Muslim wife.
Ghulam Ali is now about 90 years old. About 50 years back he married,
second time, a Ladakhi girl. This made him adopt Buddhism and change
his name from Ghulam Ali to Punchok Neema. At the same time he was
alloted some cultivable land on behalf of Spituk Gompa. Now his son,
Anchuk, is a Buddhist and has married a Ladakhi girl from Leh. Among
the Ladakhi population the existence of inter-religion marriages can be
traced back to centuries. The ancient trade route through Ladakh
created favourable conditions for this kind of marriages. And such
marriages have always been tolerated. The Muslim always married the
Ladakhi females. No case could be reported where any Muslim girl
married Ladakhis. The Christian Ladakhis do not hesitate marrying non-
Christian Ladakhis. For such practices, one can find, in the same family,
persons belonging to different religious faiths. They share a common
household. Some cases prove that even after marriage, the husband
and wife continue to belong to different religion. This is attributed to
Buddhism being tolerant, non-coercive and assimilative..

Lately, the incidence of marriages between the Ladakhi Buddhists
and the Hindus from plain India have also been reported. It came up
because of a large influx of Hindu population. Some of the Ladakhi
females developed friendship with outsiders who poured in Ladakh
through services. Such relations either materialised into marriage or
promoted temporary marriage. In former case the non-Ladakhis brought
their wives even to plain India after their tenure of stay in Ladakh was

INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE

over. But in later case, the girls were temporarily used as wives and later
deserted when the husbands left Ladakh. A case of the latter kind could
be reported from Spituk. Dorje Dolma of Spituk developed love affairs
with an army Jawan ‘X’ posted around the village. Subsequently Dolma
and ‘X’ got married. For two years they lived as husband and wife and
were blessed with a daughter. She is now four years o]d. Then ‘X’ was
transferred to a place outside Ladakh. He left the place without infor¬
ming Dolma. She is now living in a miserable condition with her four
years old child. Whereabouts of the husband are not known to her and
Dolma being simple and ignorant, does not try to bother for the same.
The daughter does not have typical Mongoloid features and instead
resembles Dravidian stock. Some informants have stated that Dolma’s
husband was some South Indian. Dolma is not having any house or land
of her own. She now helps Narbu in his agriculture activities. Narbu
has obliged her by giving a room in his house.

Ladakhis practise endogamy as well as exogamy. Village exogamy
is resorted to only when no suitable girl meeting various requirements, is
available in the village. Village exogamy is also observed when a family
fails to find another family of almost an equal economic standing within
the village. For exogamy, no area limit is prescribed. Instances could
be reported where Ladakhis have married in places as far as 200 kilometres.

Out of 373 marriages, the account of exogamous and endogamous
ones is as given below.

Table showing the instance of exogamous and endogamous marriages

SI. No.

Form of marriage

Number of cases

Percentage

Endogamous

153

41.02

Exogamous

‘ 220

58.98

The table reveals that the cases of exogamy are more. And hence
it may be interpreted that pre-requisites for mate selection are largely not
fulfilled at village level. And 58.98% of the males had to bank upon
girls from outside the village. People, thus, maintain social system
requirements in spite of hostile ecological conditions.

The Gara, Mon and Beda have to mostly resort to village exogamy.
This is because they have only one or two families in every village. As
such it is difficult for them to find mate within the village. In their case
the area for exogamy is still wider.

Pre and extra-marital relations

The respondents state that there is no open sanction for pre-marital
sex relations. But at the same time there do not exist more of objections

THE LADAKHI

against it. Tremendous amount of freedom is enjoyed by the members
of both the sexes. Instances of sex laxity are not taken up seriously.
With free ways the element of privacy is not that prominent. They mix
freely and cut all sorts of jokes. All can eat, drink sing and dance to¬
gether. Sex has not been given a wider sanctity .Under such conditions
more cases of sex laxity are heard of.

A comparatively more freedom of sex may again be attributed to
polyandrous system. Polyandry apart, another strong cause which did
not allow formation of more strict sex norms is related to extreme winter.
The Ladakhis themeselves are of the opinion that they feel less sex urge
because of the extremely cold climate. Under the circumstances it was
not desired to enforce strict norms of conduct in respect of sex. But
in the absence of strict norms, in respect of sex, frequent cases of indul¬
gence, outside the wedlock are heard of. Many of the unmarried Ladakhi
girls secretly develop sexual intimacy with the men. And their relations
get known only when they come to the surfce. However, most of the
cases are taken up supportively. They are finally made to materialise
into marriage. Some of the girls get pregnant and beget children in the
premarital stage. The concerned parents bring it to the notice of Goba,
his assistants and other elderly people. The man who caused pregnancy
is then produced before the council. He is either asked to marry or pay
compensation in lieu of. The latter involves payment of goat, sheep
and money. If the man held responsible is already married, he is asked
to pay Rs. 50/- to Rs.60/- as compensation. And if somebody is keen to
keep her as wife, he can do so but not through regular marriage. The
girl ‘X’, daughter of Chhewang Ishe, and now nearly 30 years old, deve¬
loped sexual relations with Ghatuk prior to her marriage. The man was
already married to someone else. Consequently, the girl got concieved
and gave birth to a son. She was then interrogated by Chhewang Ishe
who later reported the matter to Goba. Ghatuk was asked to appear
before the village council. He accepted his fatherhood but could not
marry to Chhewang’ s daughter as he was already marriaed. As such he
was asked to give compensation which he arranged. The unmarried
mother did not agree to marry someone else. She, alongwith her illegiti¬
mate son, continues to stay with her father.

It has also been reported that some women maintain extra-marital
relations, though it is largely objected to. It starts from within the family
under the rules of fraternal polyandry. All brothers are allowed to have
sexual relations with a common female. Where a union has not been
declared as polyandrous and only one, out of two or three brothers marries
the other may also have access to the female for sexual gratification.
The act is hardly objected to. Some women even go beyond the husband’s
brothers. This is most likely the aftereffect of the old practice of keeping
Phorsak. The customs of fraternal polyandry and the Phorsak, so
popular in the past, have had their contribution in according freedom to
sex. Because of higher proportion of females, polyandry system and

Institution of marriage

dedication of girls to Gompa, some girls remain unmarried. And it is
out of them that some develop sexual relations. When the cases of
extra-marital relations are reported to Goba and other members of his
council, they are resolved through declaring divorce, desertion or sepa¬
ration, depending upon the severity of case. There are other serious
implications and cases come to an end quitely. But sometimes no proper
arrangement is made. In Kuyul, a girl ‘X’ gave birth to a child even
before her marriage. The man responsible failed to marry her. And
now she is living alone with her child. In another case a man married
a girl having an illegitimate child. The man did not mind her having a
child and they both are living happily in the same house. The cases of
pre and post-marital relations are generally ignored or taken leniently.
On the ground of pre or extra-marital relations, no Ladakhi has ever
been socially boycoted. Rather, the Ladakhis tolerate the happening.
Even when a Ladakhi girl develops premarital sex relations with a Muslim
and later on gets married to him, she continues to visit her parental
home whenever feels like, The parents just overlook the past happening.
They even render help in adverse circumstances which might crop up
from premarital sex ralations. The frequency of extramarital relations
is comparatively less. These are normally contracted when either of
the couple stays away for a long time.

As the norms in regard to sex are not very strict some religious persons
also find easy to get wives. In Ladakhi society the Lama and the Chomo,
under religious demand, are not allowed to marry. They are supposed to
lead a life of celibacy. But Ishe Gylchan got married after staying in
Tibet, as Lama, for nearly 21 years. In the latter stage, he was Lama in
Spituk Gompa. At the age of about 38 he decided to marry. Ishe
ceased to be a Lama from the day he got married. Now he is living
with his wife and two sons. Though Ishe ceased to be a Lama he continues
to have a better social status in comparison to other oridinary married
Ladakhis.

Divorce and remarriage

Members of both the sexes are free to divorce. No ritual is to be
performed while declaring a divorce. The change of religion, by any of
the spouse, provocation by someone, abusing and beating, non-industri-
ous nature, extra-marital relations, stealing, infidelity, adultery, impor-
tency, barrenness and inadequate protection to wife, especially for food
and dress, can give rise to divorce situation. Among the Ladakhis the
separation and desertion are revocable. But the divorce, in all the cases,
is irrevocable. As the sex inhibitions are not many, the cases of divorce
are comparatively more. As soon as the husband, or the wife develop
sexual intimacy outside the wedlock, step may be taken to dissolve the
union. Tsering Tashi of Bemkar section in Kuyul is a man of about 38
years of age. He can read Bodhi and can speak Hindi. He is living in

THfc LAtfAKltl

a small tent with his two Sons (one from first wife) and a 32 years old
second wife. He has visited Delhi, Calcutta, Kulu, Lucknow and Kalim-
pong on a religious mission. Tashi was divorced by his first wife under
very peculiar circumstances. Tsering’s father, Sonam Dorje, lived in
Sabu. Later on he shifted to Rapsu. When Tsering was 19 years of
age, he was married to Rigzin Dolma of Sabu. Rigzin used to sell Chang
in Leh. The couple then stayed in Leh for about 5 years. In the mean¬
time they were blessed with a son. When the son was about 3 years old,
Tashi went to Manali in search of employment, and was continously out
for about 6 months. During his absence, Dolma fell in love with Dilden,
a sepoy in Ladakh Scouts, and started living in his house as his wife.
Tashi, after his return, did not find his wife in the house and came to know
of the development. When approached, she refused to come to Tashi
and declared divorce. No assembly was requisitioned for the purpose.
She handed over the son to Tashi who left Leh and came to settle in Kuyul.
He then got married to Sonam Wangmo. Tashi has a two years old son
from the new union. The son from the former wife continues to stay
with him. All connections with the first wife have been served.

It may, however, be mentioned that in normal case of divorce, the
Goba is usually approached. The case is put up before him. He tries
to resolve the matter. But when he fails, he decides for compensation.
If a case is not brought to Goba, and when both the parties are not
interested in any move, the divorce materialises of its own without invi¬
ting attention of the community. The children, after divorce, normally
stay with the father. When the divorced woman, having children,
remarries, her children stay with her parent. The second husband does
not normally accept them. The children, in most of the cases, are treated
as the liability of the father.

Even in polyandrous union there is provision for divorce. When
any of the husbands feels that he cannot pull on well in a common wed¬
lock, he can easily back out. Likewise if a common wife does not, for
various reasons, like to remain wife to any of the husbands, she can
easily delcare her intentions and seek divorce from that particular indivi¬
dual. The divorced one can remarry, if so desired. Whenever the
eldest brother, in a polyandrous family, divorces his wife, he does transfer
her charge to the next eldest. But in such cases there has also been
granted freedom to the common wife. On being divorced by the eldest
husband, she may or may not like to remain as the wife of the younger one.
If keen, she can easily say good-bye to them. It is not an obligation that
she must stay as the wife of the younger brother. The informants from
Spituk have cited a case in this context. Norbu’s daughter ‘X’ was
married to a Bhoto engineer, a resident of Leh. It was a polyandrous
marriage because two younger brothers of engineer aiso joined the union
as husbands of ‘X’. Norbu’s daughter is uneducated but could be
married to the engineer because of her rich family. From this polyand¬
rous union, ‘X’ got two kids. But then the engineer decided to divorce ‘X’,

INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE

and pass her on to his younger brother, who was already a husband
and was uneducated. The engineer left ‘X’ becuase she could not meet
the requirement to his status. He also realised that being an engineer
he could get a better and educated wife. The wife ‘X’ did not appreciate
the step taken by her enginner husband. She expressed her intention
of not staying, as wife, with the younger brothers of the engineer. Leav¬
ing all she came to live with her parents, alongwith her two children.

When a person is divorced the arrangement for compensation, as
decided by the Goba and others, is made. In the past when a husband
was divorced he was normally given a horse as compensation. But when
a wife was divorced she was given a cow. Lately, the Thuskang (com¬
pensation) value is mostly assessed in cash rather than in kind. In most
of the cases the compensation value ranges from Rs. 300/- to Rs. 500/-
Some of the informants have reported that the amount of compensation
can be as high as Rs. 1000/-. The frequency of divorce cases has declined
becuase of the increasing value of Thuskang. In case a couple has
children and then the wife is divorced, she is given a nominal compen¬
sation. It is normally less than half of what it could have been prior to
her becoming a mother. This is because the children stay back with the
father who rears them. No Thuskang is given to either of the couple
when they declare divorce with mutual consent. When one of the
married partners quietly leaves the wedlock and starts living with some¬
one else, he or she has to compensate. This happens provided the where¬
abouts of the person are known.

Remarriage in case of widows is permitted. The practice of levirate
is existing among the Ladakhis. It is reported in junior as well as the
senior levirate forms. The system has its root in polyandry. On the
death of first husband, in a polyandruos union, the widow is automatically
inherited by the next one, without involving any ceremony. But she
has been given a choice. If she is not keen to remain as a wife to other
brothers, or if younger brothers are not keen to keep her as wife, she
does stay on in family but not as wife. Shrub- Zhing, a piece of land for
her maintenance, is separated in her name. A widow can go for Magpa
as well as Bagma forms of marriage. But in more of the cases, it is
Magpa form. As the widow inherits her deceased husband’s property,
the new husband joins and takes charge of it. When a widow goes for
Bagma marriage, she discontinues her claim on the property of her decea¬
sed husband. The latter’s brothers distribute it among themselves. There
is thus, full recognition to widow marriage, and her unchastity does not
become a bar in it. In most of the cases of remarriage the consent of
the relatives of deceased husband is sought. The treatment given to a
widow, without children, is slightly different. An issueless widow does
not normally stay in her husband’s house. Rather, she goes back to
live with her parents. The Rak-Tak, given in her marriage, is also carried
along. She can then, remarry to someone. But such a marriage is
simple, devoid of any dance. A widow, with children, does not return

THE LADAKtfl

to her parents. She may not even remarry, and stay as such. Or,
she can also marry, if so desired, to any of the deceased husband’s
brothers.

Status of Woman

The Ladakhi women enjoy a great deal of freedom. The constraints
on social liberty do not appear to be suppressive. The social participation
of a woman does not pose for any significant social disability. Dis¬
qualifications on the basis of feminity do not mark the scene of social
participation. Women are nor secluded, they have no Purdah (veiling
of face) and freely consume Chang and Gur Gur in the company of
menfolk. Men and women dance together. Kinship prescriptions do
not debar them. No disparity marks the celebration of male and female
births. The rites and ceremonies are almost common to both. Members
from both the sexes can be adopted, though people prefer to adopt a male.

The institution of polyandry helped pave way to woman’s freedom.
The Ladakhis did support polyandry and its utility. Because of the
custom of polyandry a woman was never under-rated. But at the
same time the surplus females (those who could not marry for reasons of
polyandry), and especially those who could not be given protection by
the Gompas, chose to either marry the outsiders (especially the Muslims)
or adopted Chang-selling and immoral practice, as their profession.
For latter business some even went outside Ladakh. In this context
a case from Kuyul is worth mentioning. At the age of twenty a female
‘X’ got into immoral traffic. At the same time she strated selling woollen
socks and pull-overs. The ‘X’ led this kind of life for over eighteen years
staying at Delhi, Lucknow, Simla, G?.uhati, Banaras and Nepal. During
the course of her transactions and encounters ‘X’ picked up Hindi,
Assamese and Gorkhale in addition to Bodhi, her mother-tongue. Lately,
she has returned back to Kuyul. She lives in a tent adjoining to her
brother’s permanent and double-storeyed house. Now Chang-selling
is her main occupation. She entertains Ladakhis as well as the non-
Ladakhis. Because of her stay outside Ladakh, she has picked up some
etiquettes suiting to outsiders. Her living is neat and clean. She wears
wrist watch and good clothes. Her belongings are not many but what¬
ever she has is of a superior quality, resembling that used by urban dwe¬
llers of plain India. Besides golden bangles, cosmetics are her prized
possessions. Her world-view and understanding are better than other
Ladakhis around. With high aspirations she comes forward with
bundle of demands when persons in position happen to meet
her. But still the Ladakhis of Kuyul have no regard for ‘X’. She

THE LADAKHI

is looked down upon and is assigned a lower status in comparison to
other females. Such a rating is attributed to her past history as well
as present indulgence.

In the family a woman enjoys a privileged position. The family
and kinship usages do not burden her with extra taboos and imposi¬
tions. She has, more or less, those restrictions which are applicable
to men too. In inter-personal relations in the intra-family situation,
the role sphere of woman is almost at par with the man. That the woman
is segregated on the basis of her being unclean or polluted does not hold
true. In the arena of competence the woman is not considered inferior
to man. Apart from her being physically strong she is also considered
intelligent. The Ladakhis depend upon the woman for her capacity
and capability as manager of the house. The woman’s place in family
is important, and it is more so in case of a polyandrous family. Most
of the family interests, in case of the latter, revolve around her. Her
position in polyandrous family is not only more secured but prominent
too. She commands more respect and her will prevails upon the co-
husbands. The junior husba.nds are, as a matter of fact, totally submi¬
ssive to her, as also to the eldest husband of the common wife. A wife’s
influence is much augmented under the polyandrous system. In poly¬
androus living the wife’s position is that of a master in the house.

In addition to the custom of polyandry the religion has had its own
contribution in elevating the woman’s status. Ladakhi Buddhism has,
at no stage, debarred the woman’s participation in various rituals and
ceremonies. The woman have also been admitted in the religious order.
Their placement, equivalent to Lama, in religious order is approved by
the religion. The underlying argument is that Lord Buddha permitted
females in the religious order. Chomo formation is prevalent since time
immemorial. The hierarchy of Chomos as in case of Lamas, is defined.
Members of both the sexes are permitted to dedicate their life to Gompa.
But then the Chomo cannot become a Kushok. The position of Kushok
is always reserved for man only. There are Chomos with high positions.
But they do not enjoy the same powers as their counterpart, the Lamas,
do. Religious affairs are largely managed by the Lamas, though the
women can participate in the same. Reading of sacred literature, an
integral part of Ladakhi style of worship, is mostly done by the Lamas.
The higher status of Chomo is recognised but then its display in day-to-
day life is at a lesser scale, specially when compared to Lamas. However,
in the sphere of religious service there is not much of disparity between,
the Lamas and the Chomos. The Chomos make all sorts of offerings
in Gompa as well as Chotkang. They can touch the things and replace
the offerings. Some of the services are more specifically marked for
women. For instance Nagan-Nes (Nyam-Ne) and Nyung-Nes (Nyung-
Ne) are the services rendered on the auspicious days, that is, on 8th,
15th and last day of each month. These services mainly involve women¬
folk whether they are Chomos or not. In course of Nagan-Nes, the

STATUS OF WOMAN

woman takes only one meal a day. But during Nyung-Nes she keeps
complete fast. The women attend the monastic fairs and see the dances.
They can observe archery competition but they do not compete for the
same. Polo is played only by the men. Except in religious dances, the
women can, on equal basis, participate with men in dancing and singing.

In spite of a substantial functional contribution of the woman, and
a considerable amount of freedom given to her, a woman, in general,
is considered as inferior to man. Some have explained a specific back¬
ground in support. Men can go to far off places in connection with
employment and other opportunities. But the mobility of woman is
restrained. Except in exceptional circumstances the women do not,
alone, go to far off places in search of employment or labour. Their
mobility beyond Ladakh is rarely observed. However, they keep on
coming to Leh, the headquarter of Ladakh. But the men have been going
beyond the frontiers of Ladakh since onlden times when communication
was so difficult in the hostile climatic region. However, the argument
seems to be controversial when the position of woman is assessed in
terms of work-input of male and famale. All admit that the women
are more hand working, and their contribution in various economic pur¬
suits is far greater than the men. Most of the time she is busy here and
there. But in spite of all this she is rated inferior. Under such explanat¬
ions it appears that woman’s inferiority has become a matter of tradition.
Division of labour has least say in it.

The Ladakhis, in general, express love and affection for womanhood.
Ph.ysica.1 beating of a woman is unheard of. Respect is shown to the
woman. Man and woman have equal right to divorce. The woman has
a right to divorce the husband when she does not get proper attention and
protection from him. The latter pertain to economic and social life.
She is at liberty to divorce when finds her husband interested in some
other female. A woman, when divorced, can claim for compensation
to the tune decided by the local leaders. Freedom for marrying is
equally granted to the members of both the sexes. The girl is free to
express her liking. But in practice the girl’s opinion, in general, is not
obtained at the time of marriage. Largely the parents take the decision.
A widow is permitted to marry. Now the growing trend is for love
marriages. Many of the girls and the boys themselves decide to marry.
Concessions for remarrying are the same for the members of male and
female sex. Even then the women are said to be inferior to men, though
the role and interactional patterns of Ladakhi social structure do not,
most of the time, support the same. In addtion to social inferiority,
the woman is also treated physically weak in comparison to man.

In certain situations the female’s inferiority is reflected with marked
prominence. This specially applies to taboos and impositions related
to a widow. At the same time such restrictions are not applicable to a
widower. In addition to her being considered unfortunate, a widow is
not permitted to participate in certain functions where other men and

THE LADAKHI

women can. In receptions accorded to marriage party and the Lamas
(especially Kushok and other senior Lamas), the widows are debarred
from joining. Their presnce is considered inauspicious. But in

day-to-day life the widows are not looked down upon.

* • ♦

Woman, economy and social control

The preference in the matter of inheritance goes to the male. But
then the women also have some privilege in the matter. In the absence
of a son, in family, the eldest or even next daughter would inherit the
property including land, house and mother’s ornaments. Traditionally,
male primogeniture has been the rule. But in the absence of a son the
female primogeniture could also be resorted to. In normal course the
property goes to the men. The widow can also get a share of her late
husband’s property, especially when she opts to live separately. In
general, a divorce is not entitled to inherit the property of her husband.
She can only demand some compensation and leave the house.

Because of the difficult physical conditions and limited working
season the male and female, in Ladakh, have to work hard for their
existence. The women make equal, if not more, contribution in agricul¬
ture fields and as labourer. The women are seen working in the agricul¬
ture fields and in road construction almost on equal footing, if not more,
with men. This is in addition to their household duties including spinn¬
ing and weaving. Except in ploughing, which is done by the men alone,
the women make more contribution in rest of the agriculture operations.
In sowing, weading, harvesting, threshing, winnowing, irrigation, collec¬
tion and carrying of bundles of produce, the women’s hand is, in fact,
more. The women are frequently seen working on all construction
sites. They carry heavy weight on their backs. Cooking and cleaning
jobs in the house are primarily done by the women. In rest of the acti¬
vities men also participate. Sharing in household work has lately been
affected. The man’s contribution has declined because of his absorp¬
tion in employment at far off places. A woman is not independent for
major spendings. It is man’s sphere and she may or may not be con¬
sulted. Sons as well as the daughters enjoy sufficient liberty in respect
of their behaviour to the elders, equals and juniors. Even the daughter-
in-law is not restrained much.

In the traditional mechanism of social control the woman has hardly
been given any place. Neither at village nor at wider levels the woman’s
involvement in the structure and role of social control agencies is reported.
A woman Goba is unheard of. This position has always been occupied
by the members of male sex alone. Likewise the members who, along-
with Goba, constitute the village council are always the males. The
membership of village council and the various titles associate with it
have, since time immemorial, been the privilege of men only. The
Ladakhis express their doubts about the competence of women in resol-

STATUS OF WOMAN

ving disputes, more so at the level of village community. No one, it is
responded, would carry out the decision given by the women. The
women are said to be having no endurance and taste for the jobs
performed by Goba and Members. Even the religious women are not
included in the village council. When a meeting of the village council
is convened, the women can watch the proceedings, if they so desire.
They, are however, not invited unless involved in some cases. What¬
ever is decided and agreed upon by the men, their women-folk accept
it. The formal system of panchayati Raj is yet to be introduced among
the Ladakhis. Such an introduction might encourage the Ladakhi
women to compete for certain positions in the statutory bodies.

Though the conservative feeling that the women should not go for
formal education is being eroded, the proportion of educated women
in comparison to men is very low. Tsewang Dolma (1969), a Ladakhi
girl student of Women’s College, Srinagar, has rightly stated that the
Ladakhi women have been rather fortunate in the past as well as in the
present, in the sense that they have never been discriminated by their men¬
folk in the social and cultural spheres. They have enjoyed more freedom
and privileges in the socia.1 and cultural life of Ladakh. The only dis¬
crimination, rather neglect of women, was in the field of education. Girls
were never encouraged for higher studies till recently. So they remained
uneducated but this practice is disappearing. Now girls are taking up
education in large numbers and the number of college-going girls is
increasing day by day. With increasing education the change in outlook
has also been marked. The Ladakhi women favour employment. There
is no inhibition that the women should not serve. Some women are now
regularly employed as teachers, nurses, peons and labourers. There
are now increased labour and employment opportunities which the women
are availing of. But most of the women still stick to agriculture opera¬
tions, more becuase a large number of men are now in services. Suppor¬
ted by their traditional freedom as well as the ensuing formal education,
some of the Ladakhi women have started active participation in the
formal functions having late origin. If need be some of them come to
the stage to deliver speech. The impetus is provided by the menfolk who
manage the show. The Ladakhi women also participate in Independence
Day and Republic Day celebrations at Leh. Many women visit Leh
to see the cinemas.

Birht Rites and Ceremonies

The difficult living conditions and limited resource do not curtail
the keenness of Ladakhis for children. A Rapshat (barren female) is
considered unfortunate. While expressing pity on fate people do not
under-estimate her social position. The married woman eagerly awaits
pregnancy. In case of an unusual delay the Lama, Chanspa and even
Kushok are approached to seek religious favour in the matter. It is
believed that the religious men can help cause pregnancy. This is
possible with the help of the supernatural powers. But at times the
latter fail to do the needful. The Kushok usually suggests to prepare a
Thanka (a religious painting). The person concerned approaches the
Spon, an expert, and gets it made. Chanspa, a religious specialist, is
believed to be the chief figure who can oblige a barren woman. The
issueless couple approach Chanspa and put their problem before him.
The Chanspa, after making his consultations, suggests for worship in
various Gompas. The needy husband and wife respond to the call.
During the piocess, especially while moving from Gompa to Gompa,
they are offered food and Gur Gur by the villagers where these Gompas
are situated. In this context, a case from Spituk is rather interesting.
Sharup and his wife Tashi Chhamo did not get a child for many years
after maniage. They consulted a Chanspa, named Thankshar, of Spituk
village. The couple was directed to perform worship in all the Gompas
located between Spituk and Timasgaon. Accordingly, the woman and
her husband did it. They went from Gompa to Gompa offering Khatak
and money accompanied with the lighting of sacred lamps. After a few
months of the performance the woman got conceived and consequently
gave birth to a son.

During the course of exercise suggested by the religious persons
the couple also make human figures out of Sattu (barely or buck wheat
flour). The belief is that if the figure resembles a male, the woman would
be blessed with son. And if the figure lesembles female, a daughter
would be born. The compelete exercise done by the issuless husband
and wife is termed Nas Jal — Chhas Jal.

Yet another method of seeking conception is through the worship
of Dolma a goddess. The latter is believed to govern the woman and
her fertility. As part of this worship the Lamas are invited to the house
of issueless couple. They worship Dolma through the reading of sacred

BlftHT RITES AND CEREMONIES

literature. Only a particular portion of the sacred literature is fixed for
the purpose, and the same is read again and again. The reading is to
be done one hundred times. It has been told that this worship continues
for a year. In some cases the Lama, performing the worship, stays in
the house of issueless couple all the year round. He does not go to
Gompa. For his service, the Lama is given a full dress, good food and
about two to three hundred rupees at the end of worship. Dolma is
then believed to help though it is not guaranteed.

The above explanations support that the children are considered
as the blessings of god. And that the fertility a.nd sterility are in the
hands of supernaturals. A woman gets conceived and gives birth to a
child only when the concerned god and goddess are happy with her.
However, the role of husband is not ruled out in the matter.

Detection and Taboo

The state of pregnancy is confirmed when the menses stop. In
addition to the above the pregnancy is also detected when the woman
concerned suffers from loss of appetite. At the same time the woman is
believed to develop vomiting feeling. In due course the bulging stomach
confirms what was anticipated. In spite of the fact that the religious cause
for conception is held high, there are not many rites and ceremonies
connected to the period when a woman carries. A few taboos are,
however, reported. The pregnant woman is directed not to carry heavy
load. Even in normal course the Ladakhi s do not carry very heavy load
because of the adverse consequences of high altitude and scarcity of
oxygen. A pregnant woman is asked to avoid major jerks and jumps.
One of the chief taboos during the course of pregnancy is that no Khatak,
already kept in the house, is to be offered to anyone. In case it is essen¬
tial to offer Kba.tak, it is to be procured from the market. No old Khatak
is to be used for the purpose. Usually the offering of Khatak is avoided
when some woman is pregnant in the house. Also, the pregnant woman
is not supposed to visit other villages. It is feared that evil eye would
adversely affect the woman as well as the child inside the womb. At
the same time the pregnant woman is not to indulge in sexual intercourse.
Such an indulgence is believed to harm the child. The violation of
above mentioned prohibitions is likely to cause miscarriage. In addtion,
the climatic factor is considered no Ess important a cause of abortion.
Some informants admit that extreme winter is a prominent cause of
abortion.

In the seventh month of pregnancy a ceremony involving reading
of sacred literature and worship is performed by the Lama. It is known
as Dhunuche. The chief function of this ceremony is to read the future
of the expected child. If everything is found to the satisfaction, the
ceremony is closed. In case some discrepancies are marked, the ceremony
is extended. Lama, in that case switches over to the next connected

THE LADAKHI

worship for two to five days. The performance helps prevail upon the
evil stars in the child’s future. For all his services, the Lama gets his
meals and two to three rupees.

Delivery and after

With the start of labour pains the woman is given sufficient quantity
of Gur Gur. Ladakhis believe tha.t such an intake helps cause quick
and easy delivery. In the event of some complications in delivery, a Lama
is immediately called for. He mixes some butter with his sliva and makes
the delivering lady swallow it. When this ritual fails to cause any relief,
the Amchi (local medicineman) is contacted. He helps through his
medicines. The woman delivers the child on a piece of cloth spread on
the floor. Some informants from Sabu stated that when a woman is
about to give birth to a child, she is shifted to some shelter away from
her residence. Such a shifting is done only if the residence of the expec¬
tant mother is surrounded by some perennial water channel used as
drinking water or irrigation source. If she gives birth in her residence,
she and her husband would not be able to move out of her house for a
month. This is because the crossing of water channels is taboo for a
month. Crossing of channels would be annoying the spirits who may
cause scarcity of water and damage the crops. To avoid such a situation,
the woman, alongwith her husband, shift to the house of one of their
Phasphuns. Its location should be at a place where the water channels
are not be crossed. If such a residence is not easily available, a tent is
erected for the purpose. The woman, her husband and the newborn
stay there temporarily and finally shift to their residence.

It has also been reported that the husba.nd and wife, when the latter
is to deliver a chile, are confined to one room, sometimes for nearly
a month. They are looked after well. The Ladakhis of Kuyul have,
reported that the delivery of a woman is primarily attended, by her hus¬
band. He helps his wife to deliver the child. In the absence of husband,
his mother, sister or any other experinced lady of the locality attends.
But in Spituk the informants have stated that the husband does not
attend the wife at the time of delivery. Rather, the mother of the husband,
or of the wife attends. But at the same time it is commonly agreed upon
that the husband does stay with the delivered woman for atleast seven
days. He cannot move out of the house a.nd looks after the mother
and the infant. Such a confinement of the husband is known as Pakzam
or Pankh. It has a religious background. The belief is that Lhato
( a god) would get annoyed if the husband moves out during this period.
And his annoyance would cause harm not only to the husband but also
to other members of the community. The fear makes even the community
members take notice of the fact that the husband of the delivered woman
keeps inside the house for seven days after delivery.

The post-delivery period is treated as unclean, and so are treated the

BIRHT RITES AND CEREMONIES

mother, the child and the husband.. Pollution period is for seven days
after delivery. During this period no worship is to be peformed. In
this regard some flexibility, on the basis of sex, is marked. No worship
is done for seven days in case of the birth of a female child. But when
a boy is born the worship may be arranged on the third day. Because
of the period of pollution, people avoid eating or drinking in the house
of the new-born. The prohibition is observed for seven days. The
food given to a delivered mother is Thuppa (a preparation of Sattu and
mea.t). Thuppa is the richest food of Ladakhis. For how long she
can eat it would depend upon the economic position of the family. She
is at so fed with butter. The child depends on breast-feeding.

Ceremonies after birth

On the seventh day after confineent of the husband and wife, a
Lama is requisitioned for performing Laf-Tsang/Dhunsung. This is a
worship meant to remove the unclean atmosphere. It is after the per¬
formance of Laf-Tsang that the husband starts coming out of the house.
The relatives and some other members of the village community attend
Dun, a festive occasion celebrated after Laf-Tsang. The occasion is
celebrated with pomp and show in case of the first delivery. The Beda
and Mon musicians grace the occasion. In subsequent deliveries the
celebrations are cut short. On the occasion of Dun all the invitees come
well-dressed. They congratulate the parents and shower blessings on
the newborn. The relatives of the couple, blessed with the child bring
some dresses for the new-born. They also carry Thuppa, Chang, Roti
etc. for the couple. Dun participation is on reciprocal basis. All the
invitees are served with Chang and Gur Gur. After the feast of Dun
the mother is allowed to move out of the house. She also takes bath on
the occasion. A common belief is that Lhato gets annoyed if the un¬
clean ones move around. In case of a polyandrous union the eldest
husband is supposed to stay with the common wife after delivery.

Da-Tsang is the next ceremony observed after one month of the
delivery. Its celebration also involves worship done by the Lamas.
The chief significance of Da-Tsang is to revive complete purity in the house.
After this worship, it is believed, the house would be as pure as it used
to be prior to the delivery. Also, the performance helps appease Khim-
la (a god). Through this performance the Ladakhis seek blessings as
well as pardon from Khimla. The belief is that the avoidance of Da-
Tsang would cause trouble to the inmates of the house. In Da-Tsang
too the relatives and other members of the community come to parti¬
cipate. The relatives bring dresses, Chang and other food material.
Da-tsang celebration is more elaborate in case of the first child. The
feast organised immediately after Da-Tsang is called Dang-Gang.
Laf-Tsang and Da-Tsang worship are largely done by one Lama.

The observance of Laf-Tsang and Da-Tsang indicate that the Ladakhis

THE LADAKHI

give more importance to the first child. May be that it has something
to do with their traditional system of primogeniture. After the purifi¬
cation of the house, and more likely after Laf-Tsang, the Ladakhis cele¬
brate the birth of the child. This celebration is known as Nang-Dun.
The relatives and others, including Phasphuns attend and share the feast
popularly known as Marzan. Chang and Gur Gur a.lso form part of
Marzan. Nang-Dun celebration may be organized when the child is
one month old. Some of the Ladakhis, specially in Leh manage for
Chonga a feast organized after 15th day of delivery. It is more popular
in Leh. Its function is the same as that of Nang-Dun but organised
in a more elaborate form. Role of religion is important in the context
of a birth. In addition to what has been explained above the Onpo’s
recognition is undisputed. The Onpo in general is contacted after every
birth. He is rather invited to the house of the new-born to read the
future of the chi’d.. He prepares horoscope for the infant. This document
is believed to contain all about the infant’s future. In case of hurdles
reported for future life the Onpo suggests remendies. A common one
of these is to suggest for religious paintings. These are to be prepared
by Spon and kept in the Chotkang. As remedy the performance of wor¬
ship is also suggested. It is done by the Lamas. The Ladakhis believe
that the destiny of man involves certain untoward incidents and the
same can be avoided or atleast minimised with the help of religion
and religious agencies. A worship is again organised by the Lamas
for the long life of new-born, A spoonful of milk is given to the child
with the repetition of the word Om. The father fixes an arrow in wheat
or Grim heap and keeps it so for a week. Some butter is applied to the
arrow-tip and a Khatak tied on it.

Pangri is the biggest celebration after the birth in a family. However,
this celebration is not part and parcel of every birth. Only the rich
families can afford to organise Pangri. It involves the organisation
of a grand feast. There is no fixed day for the occasion and it can be
arranged on any day after the monthly Puja is over. The Ladakhis have
informed that Pangri is the only celebration after a birth wherein people
are invited. Otherwise, knowing the date of a particular ritual or
ceremony they themselves come to participate. And this is almost
obligatory to them. Even if a person fails to attend a ceremony on the
fixed day he or she may call on the parents of the new-born on the next
or some other day and repeat whatever he was expected to do on the
fixed day of celebration. The unique feature of Pangri is that it is a spe¬
cially arranged feast whose day/date is not traditionally fixed. Since
the organization of Pangri incurs heavy expenditure it is getting out of
fashion. Many Ladakhis do not, now, approve of it for economic
reason and changing outlook. Some feel that heavy investment in an
affair like Pangri is unwise. Pangri has no religious background. It
only expresses happiness over the new addition in family.

The social position of a family bears intimate relationship with the

BIRHT RITES AND CEREMONIES

way the ceremonial performances are arranged. In case of socially
superior families, the ceremonies are observed with greater pomp and
show. They invite more people and hence spend more. The proce¬
dure demands that higher the social standing more is to be invested on
such occasions. For instance, when the birth rituals and ceremonies
are observed by a Kalhon, more people would come to join, more Lamas
would participate and it will be for more number of days (depending
upon the nature of celebration). It would also involve giving moie
money to Lamas.

The organization of feasts at various stages mark some functional
uniformity. These are an expression of happiness and joy. In addition
to rejoicings the performances call for a social gathering of relatives who
get into kinship usages and obligations on such occasions. Kinship
reciprocity is also displayed. The third function poses for a strong
sense of community living.

Ralchang corresponds to Mundan ceremony so often reported in
various communities of plain India. It marks the occasion when the new¬
born is given first ceremonial hair-cut. Ralchang ceremony is observed
only in case of the boy. There is no time fixed for the purpose. Gradu¬
ally it is organised when a child is between one to two years of age. For
an auspicious day the Ladakhis consult a Lama. This is followed by
extending invitations to all the relatives. The members of the Phasphun
group are a.lso invited. The hair-cut is given either by the mother or
father. The hair-cut may also be given by a person whose parents are
alive a.nd who is married. They do not have professional barbers. The
relatives watch the hair-cut and offer Khatak and money to the child. The
latter amount does not exceed a rupee. Each relative is obliged to give
it. Thereafter, they join the feast organised on the occasion. Chang
forms the chief content of the feast. Ritually, only a small portion of
the hair is cut, and the head is not completely shaved.

Naming of the new-born is always done by the religious men. The
Lamas as well as the Kushok name a child. Labha, again a religious
person, is also consulted for giving a suitable name. For name giving,
Labha is more popular in Kuyul, though the specialist stays only in
Fuckche. No da.te or time is fixed for the purpose. The step for naming
a child can be taken up as and when found convenient. Normally,
people prefer to seek for a name when the child is two to three months
old. Rut some of the Ladakhis do not bother to ask for name for two
to three years. Till then they just call a female child as Digmo and
male as Digpa. When the parents approach Labha for seeking a name
for the new-born, the Labha consults the sacred books, shivers for a while
and then shouts a name. The ritual assures that the name has been
desired by god. Labha is offered food, Chang and money. If a couple
approaches head Lama (it happens more in case of socially superior
families) to seek name for the child, they first offer a Khatak to head Lama
and then humbly put their proposal. Khatak for a head Lama is the

THE LADAKHI

chief symbol of respect and honour. Some also offer money. In ease
of well-off and socially superior families, the occasion of naming is
celebrated with a feast. Special invitees to the latter are the members
of Gyut ard the relatives. Naming ceremony is called as JVleen-Tzus.
It may be mentioned that the names are never chosen by the parents
themselves. At the same time no part of the parent’s name is necessarily
inherited. The surnames do not exist among the Ladakhis. Certain
popular names are common to many people. Usually the names are
associated with some meaning. A name consists of two separate parts
communicating separate meanings. Normally, the names are in the
context of days of the week (preferably the name of birthday), blessings
for long life, prosperity, good luck and goddess. The last one is chiefly
found among the women and it is after Drolma or Dolma, a goddess more
concerned with the women and their life. The women, like the men, have
two parts of their names. One part of the name, so often heard of,
includes Tashi (Tuesday), Sonam (good luck), Diskit (happiness),
Dorje (or religious significance), Dolma (liberator) etc. Name is, thus,
not independent of many other aspects of Ladakhi life and culture.

Death Rituals and Ceremonies

The Ladakhis take diseases as the major cause of death. But then the
concept and cause of diseases have religious roots. Diseases are believed
to be sent by the supernaturals. Of the latter more responsible are the
ghosts and the spirits. Some other gods and goddesses too cause sickness
when in angry mood. Even in case of animals the sickness is believed to be
caused by the superantural forces. Out of malevolent spirits Shinte or
or Shinde is stated to be the most mischievous and harmful. Suddenly
a person gets suspicious that he has been overtaken by some ghost.
Such a feeling causes fear and sickness to the person. Shinde is believed
to have three forms, that is, Chan, Gyapo and Teemo. People’s concep¬
tion of these are that they are invisible and move around in the air. The
imagination for Gyapo and Teemo is that they ride on a horse and wear red
clothes. A patient believed to be suffering under the affect of Gyapo and
Teemo nmy recover only after the Onpo suggests for remedial worship.
The villagers make figures of spirits. This is done with Sattu paste.
These figures are ultimately thrown away. The Ladakhis believe that a
man, after death, becomes ghost if his greed for the wealth, he is leaving,
continues to be expressed till he breathes last. Chhoskong Shungma is
believed to be a protector against the ghost and hence helps to save a per¬
son’s life. Its image may be kept in Chhotkang or Gompa. When a person
dies suddenly, say as a result of some accident or otherwise, his soul does
not find, proper abode and assumes the form of Shinde. This happens
because a person dies without fulfilling many of his wishes. Shinde may
even prove helpful if kept appeased. Otherwise it causes sickness. A
worship, termed Zinshak, is performed by the Lamas to ward off the effect.
A sketch of Shinde is drawn on a paper. It is later on burnt by Onpo, and
the ritual helps to ward off evil effects. In regard to life-span, the Ladakhi
v'ew is that those who do good deeds would have a longer life. And. the
age of a person would be less if he or she has been indulging in bad acts.
With all this it is also believed that a person dies when gets old. Death
can also be caused by suicide is yet another version of the Ladakhis.

Another popular belief is that Sangyas (Lord Buddha) is chiefly respon¬
sible for life as well as death. If Sangyas is keen to retain a life, the person
survives; else the person dies. Sangyas can cause death through sick¬
ness or accident. People further add that life-span is fixed by Sangyas,
taking stock of past actions of the person. A person, considered good by

THE LAftAKrfl

Sangyas, not only enjoys long life but also meets an easy death. Other¬
wise the person keeps on suffering with some chronic disease and breathes
last after bearing lot of hardships.

Treatment with dead body

While breathing last the person desires to give final instructions to the
remaining family members. The act is known as Khachen. Simul¬
taneously, the person, heading to death, is advised by the priest to forget
of the worldly things, especially of wealth and children. The priest further
directs the person, struggling with death, to concentrate on Chhotkang
gods and religious men.

Soon after a person dies, the Lobon, a superior Lama, or any other
Lama is called for. The relatives and Phasphuns are simultaneously
intimated of the incident. When a person is dead, Chinlap, a round
tablet made of Sattu paste, is kept in the mouth. The tablet is made during
the course of worship performed at the time of death. The Lama does so.
Keeping of Chinlap in the dead person’s mouth is believed to help remove
all sins which the person had committed in life-time. Thus, the sins do
not accompany the person in the life after death. Thus, the Lamp’s role
is very important. From birth onwards the Lamas keep regulating the
life of a Ladakhi. At birth, they wish happy life and future to the new¬
born. And when sins are committed in the life-span, the same are removed
at the time of death.

Unless Lama comes and preaches a sermon, known as Phoi or Phoa,
the dead body is not be touched by any one. Phoi is the death worship
performed by a single Lama. The completion of worship takes about an
hour. The functional importance of this worship is to channelise the dead
to heavenly path. Phoi is also believed to help give a better rebirth.
People assume that this worship helps ca.use a hole in the head of the dead.
This outlet paves way to mind and consciousness pass out. During the
course of this worship the head of the dead person is carefully watched.
If the people can observe the head, sweating, it is derived that the rebirth
would be in some better category. Phoi’s function is, thus, multipurpose.
During his sermon, as part of worship, the Lama* also keeps some butter
on the dea.d man’s head. Alongwith butter, a medicine, known as Rillu
may also be kept. In many cases the dead body is shaked while putting
Phoa (butter and Rillu put on the head are also known as Phoa). This
is done when some doubt is left on the dea.th of a person. Death is ascer¬
tained if shaking makes no change.

Only after the rite of Phoa is over, the Phasphuns alone are allowed to
touch the dead body. The clothes of the dead person are removed by
them. The naked body is given a bath and arranged in sitting posture,
with folded hands. The body, covered from head with old or new white
clothes, is then tied with thin rope and put in a sack. It is kept in
one of the corners of the house. The dead body can be seen and handled

death rituals and ceremonies

only by the Phasphuns. No one else is allowed to see and touch it. The
dead body is then retained in the house for as many days as the Lamas
suggest. For how long the dead body is to be retained and on what date
and time and in what direction the body is to be cremated are suggested
by the Lamas. They do so in consultation of sacred literature. The
Lamas calculate the days of retention keeping in view the family’s econo¬
mic position. A normal principle is that higher the social and. economic
standing of the dead and his family, more would be the number of days
for which the dead body would be kept in the house. The duration may
be as long as one month provided the weather conditions do not adver¬
sely affect the corpse. As long as the dead body is retained in the house
the Lamas keep on doing their worship. Worship starts every morning and
continues till late evening. The Lamas keep on reading the sacred litera¬
ture in the interest of better future of the dead. Some informants have
also stated that the dead body is aranged in sitting poistion just prior to
the cremation. Lamas are given the best possible food, on the occasion.
The Phasphuns iook after all activities and. the Lamas. Though the death
is an occasion for sorrow, the Lamas eat the best and to the full. Through¬
out the day their cups and. plates are full of one eatable or the other. The
Lamas are given special care during worship because they are believed to
help the dead person for a better abode. Under the circumstances the
family of the dead, remains highly obliged, to the Lamas for their perfor¬
mance. All Lamas from, the nearby monastery come to participate in
Chhoga, a worship arranged, on the day of cremation. They keep aside a
little portion of the food or drink before eating or drinking the major
portion. The portion, set apart, is believed to be the share of the dead
person. After Chhoga is over the Lamas give a green singal for the crema¬
tion of the dead body. The Lama, conducting Phoa, sits separately from
those Lamas who do Chhoga. The Ladakhis cremate their dead. The
dead body is preferably carried by the Phasphuns. This is done under the
direction of Onpo. The time and. day of cremation are intimated to the
villagers and relatives. They all join carrying Roti, Sattu, Chang and
Thalluk, (specially prepared, cake of flour). On this occasion people join
from all ethnic groups and religions.

The dead body, properly fitted, in a box, is carried to the cremation
ground on shoulders by four Phasphuns. When tired., they can also be
substituted by other Phasphuns. If four Phasphuns are not available
only one may carry the dead, body on his back. The latter is a common
practice among Beda, Gara and Mon as their Phasphuns are not e?4sily
available. Some are of the view that the father’s dead body is carried by
his sons. A woman’s body may be carried by her son or husband. But
it is done for a short distance, say from the room to the main gate of the
house. The occasion is marked by loud weap of close relatives. From
the day of death to the day of cremation, the weaping, by one or the other
mourner, is heard of. While weaping, the mourners shout of good qualities
of the dead. The Lamas, in their typical dresses meant for the occasion,

THE LADAKHI

give lead to the death procession. The women do not participate in the
death procession. Some processionists carry a piece of wood each. The
dead body is then either kept, after removing clothes meant for its decora¬
tion, near or sometimes directly inside a rectangular structure made of
bricks or stones plastered from outside. This structure and place around
it are kept clean by giving a new coating of clay plaster. Lamas start
the relevant worship. The relatives and Phasphuns of the dead make three
rounds of the structure (sometimes referred as Purkhang). While taking
rounds they also bow to the dead. The body is then set on fire through
wide openings left at the bottom of the structure. This is done by one
of the Phasphuns. In most of the cases the Lama supplies the initial fire.

The cremation of the dead body in sitting position, and the specific
structure in which the dead body is cremated, have a special reason. The
arrangment shows how the Ladakhis have adjusted, themselves with the
ecological conditions. Ladakh faces acute scarcity of fuel including wood.
People cannot afford to waste fuel. The Ladakhis feel that the .ci emotion
of dead body in straight position would require more fuel than what
is required when the body is cremated in sitting position. Likewise
the particular structure, in which the body is cremated, is meant to check
the fast winds that blow in Ladakh and which may disturb the flames
in the absence of structure. The arrangement is so designed that the
cremation is done with the least quantity of fuel and with the limited
flame- target area.

* * V , ■

Yingshak

The ritual of Yingshak refers to a ceremonial addition of rice, wheat,
Ghee, barley, mustard seeds, milk and Chang to the flames, when the dead
body is being cremated. These articles are thrown by a Lama during
the course of cremation. Simultaneously the other Lamas keep on doing
the worship. These things are thrown in little quantity after some interval
of time. The addition goes on till the dead body is completely burnt to
ashes. The consumable articles, thrown in the fire, serve specific purpose.
It is believed tha.t through Yingshak the dead person gets satisfied, and
his spirit would not visit the family again. In the absence of Yingshak,
the dead person may become Shinde and trouble the family.

Prior to the burning of fire, and after the Lamas start worship in the
cremation ground, one of the Phasphuns comes forward for a specific
purpose. This Phasphun holds a wide but shallow metallic dish in his
hands. The dish contains Sattu cakes. The man carrying the dish tries
to go round the structure meant for cremation. He is then followed by
a Lama who performed Phoa. Lama carries a small stick in his hand.
Both of them pose in a way as if the Lama is chasing the Phasphun, carry¬
ing metallic dish, to beat him. Finally the Phasphun, driven away by the
Lama, keeps the dish a little away. The function of this performance is
again religious. The dead is believed to be attracted by the eatable in the

DEATH RITUALS AND CEREMONIES

dish and goes alongwith it. Driven away by the Lama, and being satis¬
fied with eatables, the spirit of the dead does not trouble the remaining
family members. When the body is reduced to ashes people return back
to the house of dead. They are again led by the Lamas. All those who
participated in the death procession wash their hands and face. The men
who carried the dead body remain confined to the house till the worship
is over. The Phasphuns and relatives supply food to the bereaved family
members. It is known as Dugjan. Some informants have also stated
that the relatives of the dead can crarry his body and put it to fire for
cremation.

In many cases the small unburnt bones of the dead are collected from
the crematorium and taken home. They are mixed with clay paste after
being powdered. It is done because the cremation is usually imperfect
under the condition of fuel scarcity, and people do not appreciate if bones
keep on lying like this. Medallions are made from clay paste and pow¬
dered bones. Sometimes these are given particular shapes, resembling
human figure, and then kept in a repository meant for the purpose.
Within four days after the cremation the remains and ashes of the
cremated are collected and finally thrown either into the water or on a hill
top. The collection of such remains can be done even on the next day
of cremation. The Phasphuns also prepare Chhaj (small Chorten — the
religious structure). They are then worshipped and finally kept in Mane (a
religious structure) or thrown in water. This is done for better future and
abode of the dead.

The Lamas continue their worship even after the cremation is over.
For how long it goes is not categorically defined. The duration of such
worship is determined by the economic and social position of the dead
person. The higher the social position, or richer the person, the longer
would be the duration of worship. The richest possible food, Chang and
Gur Gur are made available, in abundance, on this occasion. Lamas
eat to the full. In addition, the Lamas are also given some remuneration
for their services. Some may even give one or more goat or sheep to
the Lamas.

Bulba

After the cremation of dead body, and when people return to the house
of the dead, a day is fixed for the auction of dead person’s personal belong¬
ings. His dress, utensils and other personal articles are sanctioned. This
is done on any of the days when the Lamas are performing worship. The
relatives and villagers are informed of the date of auction. All, including
Lamas, are entitled to buy the articles. Many of these articles are new too.
The money raised from this auction is donated to the Lamas and Gompa.
The ceremony is known as Bulba (though Bulba chiefly refers to articles
of dead) and is meant to several all connections of the dead from the
house where he lived. When Bulba is not done the spirit of the dead might

THE LADAKHI

visit the family for personal belongings and trouble some member. The
auction is organized by a Lama and the Phasphuns. The articles bought
through Bulba are made use of. The division of money, obtained from
Bulba, is, at times categorically defined. One fifth is given to the local
Gompa and the rest, in. equal proportion, goes to two bigger Gompas of
the region. Lamas may also be given some portion of the same, if need
be. Some respondents have stated that the entire money is distributed
among the Lamas only. More of it goes to Gallong (chief Lama) and
less to Chung Jung (younger Lama). A part may also be sent to Kushok.
The money raised through Bulba, and given to the Lamas and Gompas,
is again believed to be indirectly helpful to the dead. The religious forces,
it is thought, manage to provide economic help in the next life. Also,
the Ladakhis feel that it creates conditions which help manage rebirth in
a better category. Sending of Bulba money to Gompas is also believed to
provide protection against the spirit or ghost of the dead.

Langanj is a rite which involves performance of worship by the Lamas,
as also a feast organised for invitees. The family members of the dead
organise it after one month of death. The Phasphuns carry food and
other eatables. Almost all the villagers come to participate. Langanj
helps remove the sins of the dead so that the entry into new birth becomes
easier.

Zipchu-Yargoo or Zarju

This again refers to a worship organised on 49th day after the death
of a person. Zipchu-Yargoo is not the final ceremonial worship related
to death. Rather it is one in the chain. On this occasion too the
Lamas are invited in the house of the dead. They read, as a part of cere¬
mony, the sacred literature from morning till evening. In return they are
served food and drinks. Some families may offer money. The rela¬
tives are again invited on Zarbu. For close relatives the participation in
Zipchu-Yargoo is obligatory under the kinship rules. Reciprocity forms
the basis of such participation. The relatives and other villagers come to
participate carrying pots of Chang and Gur Gur. The functional impor¬
tance of Zipchu-Yargoo is again connected to the welfare of dead. It
is further believed that the spirit of dead may assume a revengeful attitude
if such a ceremonial worship is not arranged for. The dead men’s spirit
is believed to visit the family on 49th day. And the same is satisfied to
see the Zarju going on.

Turen or Sizak

Turen corresponds to death anniversary involving a ceremonial wor¬
ship. In the annual cycle Turen forms the final ceremony organized for
the dead. The Lamas are informed of the day. They come with their
scared literature. The relatives also come to participate. Sufficient
quantity of Chang, Gur Gur and food are prepared to be served to the

DFATH RITUALS AND CEREMONIES

Lamas and the relatives. Some of the villagers also participate and are
served food and drinks. The death anniversary is celebrated for three
consecutive years. It is given up later on. The departed soul is remembered
and revered through Sizak. No trouble is anticipated after that. Turen,
alongwith other religious rites connected to death, is believed to help
achieve salvation. By doing so the spirit of the dead fails to take a bad
attitude to the family members left behind. The Ladakhis are of the
opinion that if Turen is not performed, the spirit might trouble not only
the family members but also other villagers. Some also opine that death
rites are meant to take the dead to heaven. Otherwise, it may turn to
hell. Mane, Chortens (religious structures) and the residence of the
bereaved family are plastered with white clay on the occasion of Turen.

After the death in a house, and sometimes in normal course, the Lada¬
khis go in for Samgo-Namgo. Latter is a model made out of clay paste,
long grass pieces and the skull of a goat or sheep. The material is so
arranged that it resembles human figure. Samgo-Namgo is made on the
front wall, adjoining to the main entrance of the house. The skull is
so fixed that it forms the upper portion of the figure. It is covered by the
grass. Down below the skull are made the body parts. This is done with
clay paste. The lower portion is again of the dry grass fixed in clay paste.
The human figures guards against the ghosts (especially Shinde) and evil
spirits. Samgo-Namgo is competent to drive away the ghosts and evil
spirits. Every house of the Ladakhis is seen having Samgo-Namgo. Its
formation provides them confidence in terms of protection against male¬
volent supernaturals.

Purkhang

Purkhang refers to death memorial built by the Ladakhis. This is
specially done in case of socially superior persons, including Lamas. The
memorial is a rectangular or circular structure. It is made out of sand,
clay and unbaked briks which the Ladakhis prepare themselves. Pur¬
khang is generally in the cremation gour.d, and in many a cases on the same
spot where the person was cremated. That’s why the structure made for
cremation is also, at times, referred as Purkhang. The structure is well
plastered from cutside. The measurements of death memorial are not
fixed and one can see them of different sizes, though of the same shape.
Most of these structures are, however, about five feet in height and about
four feet in diameter. Construction of Purkhang is the responsibility
of family members alone. The Phasphuns and the Lamas have nothing
to do. From inside the structure is kept hollow. Some keep small
models made out of clay and ashes remains of the dead in the hollow space.
These models, imprinted with scared words and about six inches long and
two to three inches in width, resemble the human figure.

Mini Manes are also prepared out of crushed bone powder and white
clay. These are known as Chhaja or Chhacha. They are made in the
name of dead. The act is believed to forgive him for all offences committed

THE LADAKHI

in life-time. The offences, say killing of living beings, then do not adver¬
sely reflect in the next birth.

Purkhang is considered as the most secured and pious place for keeping
remains of the cremated ones. Some of the Purkhangs are nicely main¬
tained with coloured designs made on them. The colour designing is done
by the Lamas. But there are Purkhangs in dilapidated condition too.
The Ladakhi tradition is that such structures are given new coats of plaster
at certain intervals of time. Under the changing conditions people find
themselves deeply engaged in new economic pursuits and are unable to
spare time for repairing and plastering of Purkhangs. The death memo¬
rials made for ordinary persons are known as Ronkang. Purkhang is
open from one side while Ronkang is open from the top only. Forty
Ladakhi bricks are used for preparing Ronkang; for Purkhang it is
eighty. In case of the death of a Lama, the religious structure, known
as Chorten, may also be built. It is a very attractive monument and houses
most of the Lamas’s belongings, including sacred literature. Such struc¬
tures are shown respect by all the Ladakhi s including the religious men.

The age and certain other exceptional circumstances have their say in
death rituals and ceremonies. In case of children, below five years, some
of the rites and ceremonies, already described, are not observed. Irres¬
pective of sex, the children of this age are not to be cremated. Wrapped
in a coffin the dead body of the child is either put in the river, or kept in
some interior place in the hills. In latter case the body is kept in a box
which is covered by stones. In case of the death of a child some charity
is to be made. This is not resorted to in case of the death of an adult.
Ceremonies of Chhoga and Phoa are not observed in case of the children.
This is not done because the child is considered innocent and free from
all sins. Within such a background the child, after death, is automati¬
cally believed to take a better rebirth. In case of the death of pregnant
woman, the body, alongwith the child in her womb, is cremated in the
normal process. The cremation ground is separate for Lamas. Other¬
wise, the procedure for disposal of a dead body of Lama is not much
different. But the performances in his case are done in Gompa campus.
Some informants from Kuyul have stated that for reasons of fuel scarcity
they have been, at times, cutting the dead body into pieces and throwing
the same in river or near a hillock to be eaten up by birds and wild animals.
Now some official agencies are working around Kuyul and other areas of
Chang-Thang and the Ladakhis, at times, procure fuel (kerosene) from
them to cremate their dead bodies. During the course of my field work
in Kuyul, the dead body of a female was cremated with kerosene oil.
Biscoe (1896) has stated that dogs used to be kept in lieu of graves for the
monks, or in other words, to eat up the dead members of brotherhood.
The existence of the practice is now denied. «

Skistak or Lhaskal ,

Skistak is not exactly a ceremonial performance. It refers to a

DEATH klltJALS AND CERT MON ffS

religious painting made after the death of a person. The Ladakhi s hold
the belief that all persons commit sin in their life. Some do it more than
others. A simultaneous thinking is that a person who has committed more
sins in life would fail to get rebirth. His or her soul would roam around
and ultimately assume the form of a malevolent spirit. The degree of
committing sin is determined by the Lamas after they go through the sacred
literature. In order that the soul of a sinner may not roam about, and
find a suitable abode, the Lamas suggest for the making of a religious
painting, popularly called Skistak. The family members of the deceased
approach Onpo who tells as to what kind of painting is to be made. The
Onpo does so after the consultation of sacred literature and after talking
stock of the day and date of the death.. Respecting Onpo’s imagination,
the Spon, a painter, prepares the Skistak. More than one religious
agencies are, thus, inlovled. in removing the sins of the departed soul. At
the same time these agencies seem to be fairly compromising in the sense
that something suggested by one is respected by the other.

Chham

Chham is yet another worship connected to death. But it is not
performed by the Lama or any other religious specialist. Any male mem¬
ber of the family can do the job in family worship room itself. He himself
reads the sacred literature meant for the occasion. The man deputed for
the purpose is not disturbed for any other work. Even his food is served
in Chhotkang. The man either reads or keeps on repeating the sacred
recitations. At the same time he devotes to the counting of beads of a
sacred necklace. Duration of Chham is not defined and the man may
remain engaged from a few months to an year. The main objective of
Chham is to show the way to the departed soul. Though Chham has
a religious significance it is not necessarily observed in all the cases. At
times the families are not in a position to spare a man for the purpose
of Chham. Then the rites and cremonies performed by the Lamas
and other religous men are taken as more important and effective than
those of the ordinary men.

Death taboo

The prohibitions connected to death, are not many. One of the
prominent taboos could., however, be reported from Sabu. This concerns
the spouse of the dead person. When a man dies, his wife is not allowed
to cross the water channels flowing in the village. The same would be
applicable to the husband if his wife dies. The taboo is imposed from the
time the dead body is cremated.

The Ladakhis believe that crossing of the channel would annoy the
gods responsible for water supply. It is further feared that the god., out
of anger, may dry up the channel causing damage to crops and hardship
to the villagers. To respond to the situation the person concerned either

TrtE LAI)AKHI

stays back in the house for a period of one month, or manages to live
in the house of a Phasphun provided the location of this house is such
that the person has not to cross any water channel during the course of his
outdoor movements. In the absence of such an alternative arrangement,
the person may stay in a tent temporarily erected in the fringe of the village.
He or she then need not cross over the water channels. The food and
other material may be supplied to him there only. It has been reported
that the practice of living in tent in the village outskirts has become more
popular after the Ladakhis got into employment. Sometimes a man,
after the death of his wife, may not afford to be absent from duty for a
period of one month. A labourer on daily wage basis cannot economi¬
cally afford to be away for a month. So he stays in tent, outside the
village, and goes to attend his duty without crossing any water channel
of the village. If the taboo is not observed it may pose danger not only
to a particular person or family but to the village community as a whole.
As such, all are particular for the observance of the taboo. And the
lately developed alternative arragement helps them do the same, even
when they have to go out to serve.

Economic Structure

Agriculture has been the major economy of the JLadakhis. It con¬
tinues to form the major source of livelihoods Men, women, children
and aged are found engaged in one or the other agriculture activity. In
busy agriculture season all have to contribute to extract the maximum
produce. There being only one agriculture season in a year, the Ladakhis
have to be more industrious. Because of the extreme cold nothing grows
in winter season. The cultivable land holdings are limited. The total
land under cultivation is slightly over 0.2% of the total area of the dis¬
trict. The major part of Ladakh consists of mountains, rivers and valleys.
The cultivable land patches are available along the streams and slopes,
as also on some lower hills. The soil is of three types, that is, Zung Zing
or fertile, Thazing or sandy and Dorat or less productive with pebbles and
slopes. From May to the middle of October, the Ladakhis chiefly devote
to agriculture operations. Some flexibility can be reported as the sowing
and harvesting times are regulated by the weather conditions and altitude.
The sowing and harvesting operations are always accompanied by the sing¬
ing of songs. In spite of putting hard work, the Ladakhis get insufficient
produce. As the rainfall is extremely meagre the fields are irrigated with
river water. The arrangement is not adequate to meet the requirement.
Lack of irrigation apart, the climate too is not favourable to the agricul¬
turists. Untimely frost and snow damage the crops when they are about
to ripe. Over and above the soil is not fertile. In this regard the account
given by Moorecraft (1937) is not yet out of date. Accordingly, the soil
consists almost entirely of the disintegrated rocks torn to pieces and
crumbled by the successive congelation and thaw of water in their crevices
and chasms, a.nd by the action of snow and torrents upon their surfaces.
The mountains being for the most part primitive, the decomposition of
the granite and felspar clothes the levels with a coating of clay, sand, gravel
and pebbles, which is only rendered productive by human industry and
skill. Now the chemical fertilizers are also used by some farmers, especia¬
lly those who grow vegetable in villages around Leh. In the absence of
wood, the cow-dung is mostly consumed as fuel. The Ladakhis use the
ashes as a nutritive substance for soil. The human excreta and surplus
cow dung are also used for the purpose. Each Ladakhi house has,
preferably on the ground floor, a lavatory. There is a big hole in the floor
of one of the first floor rooms. To respond to the call of nature, all

THE LADAKrfl

members of family use the hole. Thus, the excreta keeps on piling up
on the ground floor. The ash is also thrown in the same room. After
responding to the call of nature, the Ladakhis thrown sand over the
excreta. The urine of all sorts of animals, mixed in the sand, is also used
as compost. All these items keep on piling up till they are removed to
the fields once a year, most likely in the month of May. The garbage serves
as manure to the soil. Having lavatory in the house serves another
purpose. In the severe winter people need not go out of the house to
respond to the call of nature. It is an adjustment with the ecology, and
the waste helps achieve more agriculture yield. Animal husbandry,
horticulture, service etc., are other occupations in which the Ladakhis
are engaged.

Grim, a variety of barley is grown almost upto the height of 14,000
feet above sea level. There are a few varieties of barley whose ripening
time differs. Wheat and beans are also grown by the Ladakhis. The
buck wheat (early variety), with its various varieties, is grown. In and
around Leh, and at some other places at lower heights, the Ladakhis grow
vegetables. In Spituk, Sabu and Thiksay, vegetables like cabbage, carrot,
cauliflower, brinjal, potato, turnips, onions, etc., are grown. Salad is
grown all around vegetable plots. Those who do vegetable cultivation
on scientific lines earn more money. Norbu, from Spituk, sold vegetables
worth Rs. 3500/- from a field, of 8 Kanal in one season only. Some of the
Ladakhis have also started consuming these vegetables. No vegetables
are grown in Kuyul because of its being at a greater height. Though some
of the vegetables were introduced by the Christian missionaries as early
as the beginning of first quarter of the current century, their large scale
production started only after 1960. This happened with big influx of
population from other parts of the country. The imigrants encouraged
vegetable growing by giving special incentive to Ladakhis. There is too
much demand for fresh vegetables. Cooperative Societies have been
formed to regularise purchase and sale of vegetables. In the Vegetable
Cooperative Society, there is an executive committee consisting of a
President, Secretary and five members. It looks after vegetables, fruits
and grass sale. They get a military transport to go to different villages.
Days are fixed for vegetable collection. Producers keep it ready and the
Society Secretary, with transport, comes and takes it to Army Supply
Department. Against the quantity procured each producer is given a
receipt which he produces in Cooperative Bank to get money from tbrre.

A vital role in encouraging vegetable cultivation has been played by
the Field Research Laboratory, Mutse. They own a farm of about 40
acres. This military farm has done some extension work. The Ladakhi
farmers visit the farm to get free vegetable seedlings. The technical
know-how and the use of chemical fertilizers are also diffused. But still the
vegetable growing is not done, in general, on scientific lines. Vegetable
cultivation is also hindered by lack of irrigation.

Conditioned by high altitude the Ladakhis initiate agriculture opera-

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

tions around April-May. From inside the house, the compost is taken
out and kept in open for 10 to 15 days. Then it is carried to the fields
and kept there in small heaps at different places. Donkeys are used for
transportation of compost. The field is then watered and left for 7 to 8
days. This is followed by the spraying of compost with the help of an
implement called Khim. The soil is then ploughed with the help of a pair
of Zos. Some make use of horses and yaks for ploughing. The man
does the ploughing and the woman keeps on throwing seeds in the furrows.
Man can also do the latter job. Simultaneously some big clods and
stones are either broken, or thrown out of the field. The activity is
accompanied with the singing of songs. At times, one can see number
of ploughs operating in the same field. This is locally termed Hang-De.
All the agriculturist families are not in possession of pair of Zos, plough
and leveller. And hence they depend on each other for certain articles
needed in sowing operation. Therefore, it is done on cooperative lines on
the principle of reciprocity. To keep it up the irrigation is so arranged
that all fields do not require sowing at a time. Those not having Zos
can hire them for ploughing purpose. The hiring rate is Rs. 20/- per day
for a Zo. The practice is known as Zorla. Fodder for Zo is managed. Men
engaged for the purpose get Rs. 5/- each per day. The beds are prepared
after the germination of seed. This is followed by watering the field. If
it does not rain the field is required to be irrigated ten to fifteen times. If
it remains cloudy, the irrigation requirement would be curtailed.

Agriculture and religion are inter-related. The ploughing of the field
is usually started in consultation with Kushok. The latter suggests
auspicious day for the purpose. The day to start harvesting is also fixed
after consultation with the head Lama. A day, earlier to the start of
harvesting, is celebrated Shubla. Men from farming families visit each
other, especially the relatives, and consume lot of Chang and Gur Gur.
In the early morning of this day all adult men go to the Kushok and
present him some ear-heads of wheat. He gives his blessings and they
all dance with joy. Again in the evening the villagers visit Gompa. It
may be pointed out that a large portion of the cultivable land, in a village,
is in the name of Gompa. Its entire produce goes to Gompa. For
instance, in Spituk:, out of a total cultivable land area of 1952 Kanal and
9 Marlas, 436 Kanals and 2 Marlas are in the possession of Gompa. Some
owners may also let out their land to Gompa on certain terms of tenancy.
From next day of Shubla starts the harvesting of crops. It may be stated
that such a performance is done for major crops. If somebody is growing
vegetables and if it is ripened he can collect it without Shubla. Coopera¬
tion is cultivated in harvesting too. The Ladakhis extend mutual help.
The neighbours and relatives help in harvesting on the principle of recipro¬
city. Rut if man is engaged on payment basis, he is paid at the rate of
Rs. 5/- a day, plus all meals. A woman gets full meals and Rs. 4/- per day.
The harvested crop is arranged in small bundles. It is then transported
to the threshing floor, Every family prepares its own threshing floor

100

THE LADAKHI

preferably near the house. Men and women do the transportation of
produce from fields to the threshing floor. The produce is carried on the
backs. The bulk is then arranged in smaller dom-shaped heaps, the
ear-heads facing upward. This is to dry it up. Threshing is done with
the aid of domesticated animals like Zos, cows, yaks etc. They are made
to move over the produce in circular fashion. The grain is then separated
by throwing the crushed produce in the air. It is done with the help of
forked sticks, about 5 to 6 feet long. The husk is blown little away from
the grain. The husk is used as fodder. The grain is partly stored and
partly made into flour, depending upon family requirement. Sufficient
quantity of flour, made out of baked and unbaked grain, is stored for
winter use. The flour mills, operated by water, do not work in winter
because the water gets frozen. So they have to keep sufficient flour for
winter use.

That agriculture has its religious dimensions is further supported by
the performance of a variety of worship. Chha-Chhush is one such wor¬
ship organised by three Lamas. When the Ladakhis observe that the
wheat plants are getting yellowish in pre-mature stage, they become
alert. Such yellowness is believed to spoil the crop and cause decrease in
yield. As a counter-check is performed Chha-Chhush. The worship
invloves reading of sacred literature. Towards the end of worship a skin
ball is carried, in turn, by the Lamas to the affected fields. The Lamas
go round the fields with the accompaniment of ringing of bells and the
sound of striking gongs. Then the skin ball is thrown in the river. The
belief is that crop disease goes off with the ball. Another belief is that
if the ball, with the flow of water, reaches to some other village, the
crops of the latter may be affected adversely. It would be more so if some¬
one happens to break open the ball. In that case the people of the next
village would also observe Chha-Chhush.

Likewise Sarak-Doldol, a worship, is performed to protect the crops
from pests. It can also be performed when the attack of the pest has
already been felt. As a precautionary measure Sarak-Doldol is performed
once a year, especially after the ear-heads shoot up and are about to ripe.
Almost all the families do it. Five to six Lamas, and even more, are
invited to the peasant’s house. They read the concerned sacred literature
for nearly six hours. Prior to the start of reading, a heavy mass of clay
is collected from near a water source and kept in front of the images of
gods and goddesses of Chotkang. After the reading is over, the Lamas
blow air towards the clay heap. Then the clay heap is converted into
powdery substance and thrown over the crops in all the fields. The
Ladakhis are of the belief that the powdery substance acts as a pesticide.

It is further reported that the Ladakhis recognise spirits that are
believed to preside over agriculture. In order to appease such spirits the
Ladakhi farmers perform a ritual. At the time of every harvesting, a few
plants, alongwith ear-heads, are bundled together and tied round the
central pillar of the house. In the central hall of every house of a Ladakhi

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

101

peasant one often finds such bundles tied to the pillar. The bundles serve
as offering.

Religion apart, the agriculture has an important relationship with
weather. Snowfall has a direct bearing on irrigation. When the snow
covered peaks start melting the water flows down. The Ladakhis make
use of the same for irrigation. The river water is also used for the pur¬
pose. But the river water cannot be lifted to the fields at higher elevation.
In such cases the sma.ll channels emanating from the melting of snow serve
the purpose. And when the snowfall on the peaks is less, the people
suffer. Therefore heavy snowfall is always prayed for so that the crops
are well irrigated. The lesser the snowfall greater the scarcity of irriga¬
tion water.

In Spituk, which is considered agriculturally a progressive village,
the yield can be as high as eight times of the wheat sown. But the average
is about four times of the quantity of seed sown. In case of barley, the
yield can be as high as five times of the quantity sown. The Grim is
about three times. It may be mentioned tha,t 12 Batti of wheat or barley
or Grim is sown in one Kanal of land. The measure of grain are Batti
and Khal, and the measure of land is Kanal and Marla. One Batti weighs
two seers, and six Battis a Khal. One Khal is equal to four Bo, and one
Bo is equal to five Te. In terms of land measure twenty Marla is equal
to one Kanal, and eight Kanal is equal to one acre.

Most of the Ladakhis own land and cultivate by themselves. Those
in service let out their land to the tenants. Tenancy is either on contract
basis, or involves an understanding that the tenant and the owner would
equally share the produce. Some land owners ask for twice the quantity
of Khal sown, without their being investing anything. Some may even
ask for more, depending upon the fertility of the fields let out to the tenant.
The grass, in and around the fields, as also the fodder are normally retained
by the tenant. There are others who manage to get their fields sown but
are unable to irrigate the same as they remain out. In that case they
request somebody else to do the needful. When a person engages some¬
one to irrigate 10 Kanals of land (for crop season only), he pays him two
Maunds of wheat or Sattu. He also gets food for the days he waters
the fields.. The organization of irrigation system, under the condition of
scarcity, is an important feature. The channels are to be maintained and
regulated. For this purpose are engaged the Chirpons. The villagers
do so collectively. A Chripon is one who channelises irrigation to avoid
any wastage of water. He maintains that everybody gets the due share on
his turn. The Chirpons see that the channels are not damaged and
leaking. They do inform of the turn to the person concerned and make
him sound of time when water would be released in his fields. The
person is also asked to keep the water channels in order. The Chirpons
work for about six months in agriculture season. Each family gives
Rs. 3/- to Rs. 4/- or about 2 Ba.tti of grain to Chirpon. Whenever he visits
any house during the season he is offered Gur Gur and food. Similarly

102

THE LADAKHI

the payments are fixed for the watchman of the crops. He is known as
Lorapa. The agreement between the watchman and the owner of the
crops is made on seasonal basis. From geimination till harvesting the
watchman is to look after the crops. The payment for this service is
made in kind . In most of the cases the payment is arranged in advance.
According to the prevalent rate in Kuyul, the crop watchman, looking
after the fields sown with 30 Eattis of grain, is to be given 13 Battis of
grain, half a Batti of butter and nearly half Batti of tea. No money
is paid. A common watchman can be jointly engaged by a few families
so that no damage is done by the men and animals to the crops. Each
family pays as per the area sown. The watchman guarantees the protec¬
tion of crops except in case of some natural calamity. A Mon or Beda
usually acts as watchman and is given his due.

The systems of Chirpon and Lorapa bear a long history. A large
number of able-bodied persons among the Ladakhis have been, since past,
going out with the flocks of goat and sheep, making somebody
responsible for their crops. The requirement further aggravated because in
addition to going out with flocks, some Ladakhis are now engaged in
services and hence remain out. Lorapa of Sabu is engaged on different
terms. He works for about four months and every family gives him one
Batti of Grim. But he has another source of income. When he finds
an animal eating the crop he reports it to the owner of the crop,
as also to the owner of the animal. He also tends this animal to a parti¬
cular place and does not let it free till the owner of animal makes the
prescribed penalty. The amount of penalty goes to Lorapa. The
penalty rates are fixed. It is five rupees for a cow, ten rupees for a horse,
five rupees for Zo, three rupees for donkey and one rupee each for goat
and sheep.

Improved agriculture practices

In respect of adoption of improved and approved agriculture practices
the position varies from village to village. The Bhotos of Kuyul have not
adopted any improved agriculture practice. They continue to do farming
with primitive tools and techniques. The only crop grown is Grim, and
that too with primitive method. What to talk of adoption, the Kuyul
farmers have not even heard of chemical fertilizers, improved seeds and
implements pestides and technical know-how. Their agriculture yield
is very poor. They stress more on livestock rearing.

Contrary to Kuyul, the position in Spituk, Sabu and Thiksy is
better. In these villages wheat is the main crop grown. The Ladakhis
also grow barley and Grim. Even these villagers grew more of Grim in
the past. But lately they have switched on to wheat. Some farmers have
tried new varieties of wheat. However, it could not be popular for certain
drawbacks. In comparison to other crops the new variety of wheat
ripened early and it become difficult to protect it from the menace of

feCONOMlC STRUCTURE

103

birds. And hence most of the villagers did not use it again. The improved
and new vegetable seeds are being tried, except in case of Kuyul. The
chemical fertilizers are known to the farmers of Spituk though its use is
still limited. The same holds true for Sabu and Thiksay. A common
complaint against the use of chemical fertilizers is that its addition causes
good growth, including height, of the plants. The longer plants cannot
stand the fast winds that blow in Ladakh. The crop, thus, suffers from
lodging. Secondly the irrigation requirement is more when the chemical
fertilizers are used. Under the existing arrangement of irrigation, it is
difficult to meet the additional requirement of water. And if the adequate
irrigation is not done the plants become yellow and die out. In Spituk,
however, the irrigation arrangement has scope for improvement. There
is also the scope for popularizing improved practices provided the exten¬
sion agents undertake the pains to do so. Ammonium Sulphate has
already found favour with many Ladakhi farmers. The least known of
the improved inputs are the insecticides. Most of them are neither aware
of nor make use of the same. It is also true that the crop pests and
diseases are comparatively less in Ladakh. Pesticides are not much of
a necessity to them is the feeling of some Ladakhi farmers. Protection
against pest and disease is believed to be provided through the performance
of a worship. The agriculture implements are of the traditional kind.
Belcha is the only later addition caused after the induction of army. It
is mainly used when irrigating a field. Most of the farmers have yet to
see the improved implements, their adoption would come later. A few
of the Ladakhis, especially in Spituk, partly understand the technical
know-how connected to vegetable cultivation. For other crops they
continue to depend on the traditional techniques. The high yielding
varieties have yet to reach them.

Land

To be the owner of land carries more value and higher status in
Ladakhi society. Those who own land are rated high not merely in the
economic sense but also in the arena- of social life. The detailed pattern
of gradation in Ladakhi population has already been discussed in the
chapter on social stratification. The land-owners are better off and enjoy
a better social status. The landless ones and the tenants have not much
of say in the socio-economic and political life of the Ladakhi society.
Kalhons, the socially superiormost people, are the chief owners of land.
In this aspect they occupy a position only next to Gompa. Goba and his
assistants, the Members, are always the land owners. Even the religious
ceremonies in a calender year are more for families owning land. The
agriculture occupation itself is considered superior to others reported in
Ladakh. Land is again treated as a prized possession of the Ladakhis.
All, out of the three hundred families, are not the land-owners. Then
the land holdings also differ. The following table gives a detailed account
of the pattern of land-ownership among the Ladakhis.

104

TffE LADAKHI

Table showing the land-holding pattern among the Ladakhis

SI.

No.

Land-holdings
(in Kanals)

No. of families

Percentage

up to 10

27.00

10. 1-20

22.00

20. 1-30

17.00

30. 1-40

7.00

40. 1-50

9.00

Above 50

13.00

Landless

5.00

The table reveals that more of the Ladakhis are owning land upto
30 Kanals. Those owning land above 50 Kanals have been the descen¬
dants from Kalhon families. The Kalhon families are now the bigger
land-holders. The landless, who form 5.00% of the families, depend on
other occupations than agriculture, or work as agriculture labourers.

There are various ways of acquiring land. Such ways have always
existed in spite of the fact that the cultivable land in Ladakh is compara¬
tively meagre. Magpa system of marrying is one of the ways. A Magpa
inherits the land in the absence of any brother to his wife. Initially, the
land is given to the wife but finally transferred to Magpa. Magpa marriages
are regarded as the preferred ones. It is because of the fact that the
property is acquired through this form of marriage. A Magpa, according
to the customary law, cannot claim for land and other property from his
real parents. The land is also acquired through general inheritance pro¬
cedure. According to the tratidional law of inheritance, the male (and
in the absence of male, the female) primogeniture system of inheritance
was maintained to prevent the fragmentation of land holdings. The
Ladakhis have been holding that they have smaller cultivable holdings
and their further fragmentation, in the absence of primogeniture, would
be more uneconomic. Under the customary laws of inheritance a
daughter, married as Bagjna, cannot claim for parental property. When
the eldest son dies without having any issue, the next heir of the property
would be the next eldest. Now, however, the pattern is different. All
are eligible to inherit the parental property, including land. In the absence
of a son, the daughter may inherit. And in the absence of both the adop¬
ted. child may also get the property. In case a couple has no issue and at
the same time they do not adopt a person, the land either goes to the
next heir, that is, brother or his children. Beyond that the land left
unclaimed is added to the community land. The land is also transferred
in the name of Gompa. This happens when the issueless couple had taken
a loan, in cash or kind, from the Gompa and subsequently failed to return

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

105

it till their death. Under such circumstances Gompa is authorised to take
possession of the land of deceased. It may be pointed out that Gompa
is liberal in advancing loans to the villagers. Normally the loan is in kind
but it can also be in cash if the need be. The Ladakhis take wheat, Grim,
butter, Sattu, tea, etc., from the Gompa. They try to return it within the
specified period with some addition in it. Another mode of land acquisi¬
tion is through purchase. However, this mode has its limitation chiefly
for two reasons. Firstly, there is hardly any surplus cultivable land which
a person can propose to sell. Most of them do not want to part with their
land possession because it is something on which they bank upon to a
considerable extent. Secondly, even if someone, owning large acreage of
land, wants to dispose off a part of it the buyers are not easily available.
People are keen to buy the land but cannot afford to pay for it. The land
rates a.re quite high with some variation from place to place. For instance
in Spituk, Sabu and Thiksay, the prevalent rate is from Rs. 600/- to
Rs. 800/- per Kanal. But in Kuyul a Kanal of land can be had for Rs.
300/- to Rs. 400/-. The uncultivated land is in plenty, though its owner¬
ship is again defined. Under the changing conditions when efforts to
boost up agriculture yield are in progress and when cash crops have been
introduced, the villagers have further realised the importance of land,
more in terms of economic sense. The temporary acquisition of land is
also reported in Ladakhi society. The process does not assign permanent
ownership. Under the procedure one may get land for cultivation,
though ownership remains in the name of the real owner. The
system is different from tenancy because here the men, who cultivate, need
not give any part of the produce to the owner. Such a temporary acquisi¬
tion of land is done through two ways. When a famiily is suffering from
poverty its members are provided protection, if asked for, by a rich
Kalhon family. They are given a place to live a.nd some land to cultivate.
In return the members of the family work for Kalhon. Whatever they
grow on the land, allotted to them, is theirs. Sometimes this arrange¬
ment continues for generations. The second mode is when a person
mortgages his land. The land acquired through mortgage is to be surren¬
dered back when the accounts are cleared. So long as it is not done the
man, to whom the land is mortgaged, continues to cultivate it and enjoy
the entire produce.

Animal husbandry

Animal husbandry is one of the occupations of the Ladakhis. The
number of animals reared by a family indicate the economic status of its
members. The consideration is that more the number of animals in a
house, the better is its economic position. Rearing of livestock is done
at all heights. The animals reared, however, may differ with the height.
Highlanders mostly domesticate sheep, ponies and horses. For gracing
large flocks of sheep, some of the Ladakhis move from place to place.

106

TH£ LAftAKtft

The movement is governed by the availability of the grazing grounds.
This is normally along the river banks and in the valleys. The weather
has its own hand in determining the directions of in which the herders
move. In winter they come down to lower heights; in summer the flocks
are driven to higher altitude where the vegetation is available. As more
of the hills are barren and naked, the Ladakhis know of, and move only
to those where grazing facilities exist. They move with tents and make
night halts at places found convenient for the purpose. Chiefly the men
go out for this venture. Such a long absence from the house provides
one of the explanations in support of polyandry. When one husband goes
out on mission, the other, staying back, would look after the common
wife. It may be mentioned that the Chang-Pas, the highlanders, are
nomadic people who move with their animals. Others are semi-nomadic,
and that too only a portion of population. The pastures are of two
kinds— one belonging to a family and the other to the village community.
In the former case the ownership is vested in the name of the individual
and only his animals graze there. But in the community pasture anyone
from the village community can graze the cattle. The same holds true for
the government land. The hills have also been divided between the
villages. Members of each village can identify the hills, alongwith pas¬
tures, if any, belonging to them. Territorial sanctity is maintained by the
members of different villages and they do not go in for unauthorised
entry. No encroachment is otherwise permissible.

In addition to goat, sheep, pony and horse, the Ladakhis rear Zho,
Zhomo, common cow, yak, donkey and dogs. Zhos are used for plough¬
ing purpose; yaks are meant of transportation and the Zhomos and
common cow are the milch cattle. In spite of the fact that the Ladakhis
domesticate so many animals the milk production is poor. Sufficient
quantity of fodder is not available for the livestock. The position remains
so even when the Ladakhis try to exploit all sorts of fodder resource. The
Ladakhis are very particular to see that no fodder is left unused, or wasted.
Such an attitude has helped remove all sorts of weeds from the fields.
The families having sufficient fodder and lacking manpower do not bother
to undertake weeding operation. The rest make use of every bit of it.
After four weeks of sowing, the Ladakhi women start weeding the fields.
The grass and weeds removed are used as animal food. This kind of
weeding necessitated by fodder scarcity helps provide more food to the
crops. Thus, the Ladakhis kill two birds with one stone. The fields
are cleared of unwanted vegetation and the fodder is procured for the
animals. v -

Likewise, the Ladakhis are extremely careful at the time of harves¬
ting of crops. They see that the stem is cut from very close to the root
so that the maximum of it is available as fodder. Many a times they
even pull the plants if soil conditions permit to do that. But mostly they
cut it with sickle from very close to the ground. Pulling up of the plant
from the root was more popular in the past when there was no other possi-

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

107

bility of obtaining fodder from outside as the means of transportation
were then poor. That the animals reared are almost double the number
of human population is attributed to specific requirements of the Ladakhis.
Yaks, donkeys and Zos are used for transportation of men and material.
At higher altitudes, where there is scarcity of oxygen, man himself is
unable to carry more weight. All families keep at least one, if not more,
donkey. Those doing cultivation keep Zos, and more needy ones rear
yaks too. The Ladakhis are very fond of Gur Gur. Most of the time
they are seen sipping it. The preparation of this tea requires huge quan¬
tity of batter in every family. This butter is locally produced from the
milk obtained from the domestic animals. For clothing and temporary
shelter the Ladakhis again obtain material from the livestock. From
yak’s hair are prepared the ropes and tents. Woollen cloth is made out
of the wool procured from sheep and goat. The Ladakhis themselves
spin and weave rough kind of cloth which is quite good for the climate of
Ladakh. A major part of fuel, so much required in extreme winter, is
obtained from animals. Part of it is used as compost. The skin worn
by the women on their backs, a very common feature among Ladakhi
women, is the goat or sheep skin. Such a wear is not only prestigious but
also provides protection to cotton or woollen under-garments worn by
the ladies. The total livestock in possession of the three hundred families
is as under.

Table showing the animals domesticated

SI.

No.

Domesticated animals.

Number of animals

Cow

603

231 • • ' •

Zomo

99 ‘ ;

Horse

Bhedu

1410

Goat

102 '

Ass

312

Dog

213

Poultry birds

219

Total

3285

The table reveals that on an average every family domesticates eleven
animals. In the severe winter the requirement for woollen clothes is more,
and so is the number of wool-giving animals.

108

THE LADAKHI

In addition to their own needs, the JLadakhis had, in the past, to
keep more milch animals to supply butter, milk, fuel, etc., to the then ruler.
This was done for the king as well as the Governors of the districts. These
contributions were obligatory. The Ladakhis continued to be involved
in the practice till the traditional political system came to an end. The
replacement of traditional hierarchy by the new order provided relief to
the people. But in spite of the change the decline in livestock population
has not been significant. The animal population being large, most of them
stay in open. All of them cannot be accommodated under the roof.
For goat, sheep and yaks there are big enclosures for the purpose with
boundary wall to check the fast winds. If the winter prolongs and
remains more severe many of the animals meet death. But to normal
winter the animals are well adjusted.

Though all the animals fulfil one or the other need of the Ladakhis,
the sheep providing Pashmina wool is of much value to them. This parti¬
cular wool has, over the centuries, been the costliest item of export. In
past the stock of Pashmina, collected by the inhabitants of greater heights,
was transported to Leh and exchanged with other essential commodities.
There were trade agents for the purpose. Lately, as the outsiders have
gone to all heights they purchase a good quantity of this wool and manage
to send it to the plains of India to get pull-overs and shawls made out of it.
This particular wool is in great demand in Kashmir where Kashmiri shawls
of best quality are made out of it. Extraction of Pashmina is a cumber¬
some process. Pashmina is a growth beneath the normal hair and just
above the skin. This under-fleece is taken out with the help of a particular
implement. To startwith, the long hair of the animal are cut to smaller
size without disturbing the direction of its growth. Then a comb-like
implement is pressed in the reverse direction to the one of hair. This is
moved along the skin, almost touching it. The implement helps take out
Pashmina along with some hair. The hair are then carefully removed
from it. The Ladakhi women do it by picking up with hands. It is a very
long and slow process. More the hair removed, the better would be the
quality of wool.

In spite of difficult climatic conditions and scarcity of fodder the
prices of the animals are comparatively higher. Not that the milch cattle
alone cost more, the others too are bought and sold at fairly high prices.
The background is that these animals also fulfil many requirements.

Horticulture

In the lower regions the Ladakhis grow apple, apricots and walnut.
Kuyul is at a height of about 14,200 feet, and no fruit is grown there.
Apricots of various varieties continue to be in surplus. Previously these
weie dried in large quantity and exported outside Ladakh. But now the
demand for fresh apricots has increased because of a vast influx of out¬
siders in Ladakh, The Ladakhis, by and large, do not now feel the nece-

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

109

ssity of drying them up. But still a part of the produce is dried up. It
does not spoil for a few years. Export of this product to Lhasa has since
long been stopped. According to Moorecroft (1837) nearly 600 maunds
of dried apricots were exported to Lhasa when he visited Ladakh. Like
apricot, the apples too are of a few varities. They are light, juicy and of
medium size. After September the apples can be stored for months
together. Because of the cold they would not spoil. More fruit are grown
at lower regions, especially fr3m Nuria to Kargil and in Nubra valley.
The fruit trees strut flowering in April and May and the crop is ready by
August-September. Some of the apricot varieties ripe early. There
are no wild fruits except the orange-coloured berry. This is consumed
by birds as well as the human beings.

The forbidding climate of Kuyul does not allow them to grow any
fruit tree. But apricots a.nd apples are grown in Spituk, Sabu and Thik-
say. There is a big demand for these fruits. Apart from civilians from
outside Ladakh, the largest buyers are the military and semi-military orga¬
nizations. The Ladakhis are paid the prices demanded by them. Apples
are sold by number and not by weight. The civil administration in Ladakh
is making efforts to expand the horticulture activities. Better quality
fruit plantation is being introduced in lower regions, keeping stock of
their survival under local conditions. The increasing demand of fruits
against cash payment has given incentive to the fruit growers. The
horticulture activities are on way to expansion.

Subsidiary occupations

In addition to agriculture, horticulture and animal husbandry, there
are other occupations having important place in the economy of Ladakhis.
Among Ladakhis, more so around Leh and Spituk, wage-earning has
rapidly expanded. As the construction activities fast developed during
the last about two d.eca.des, the Ladakhis got ample opportunities for
wage-earning. A large number of young men and women from Spituk,
Sabu and Thiksay are employed as labourers in various civil, military
and para-military organizations. Every labour is paid at the rate of
Rs. 140/- per month with Sundays and other holidays off and every
Saturday as half-day. These civilian labourers also manage to procure
some old dresses and the left-overs of food. In case the site of work is
at some distat place the military transport is sent to fetch the labourers.
In the evening they are transported back to their respective villages.

Because of a rapid expansion of civil and defence departments in
Ladakh many people got into regular service. In various capacities, the
Bhotos have joined various organisations. Except a few officers, most
of the Bhotos serve in lower-caders. As the occupation of animal hus¬
bandry is important in Kuyul, so is the wage-earning in Spituk, Thiksay
and Sabu. In a few families of Spituk the income, through wage-earning,
is higher than what they get from agriculture. Each of such families has

110

THE LADAKHI

four members employed as civilian labourers. This makes them earn
Rs. 600/- per month. Such an attraction of money has diverted the
attention of some people from agriculture and animal husbandry. The
women work more in the fields. In families where all adult men and
women go out for labour or other jobs, the agriculture fields and livestock
are left to others. The .latter look after them as per the fixed terms
and conditions. In Spituk, if a man looks after the lovestock the owner
gets half of the total butter produce.

Among the other occupations of the Ladakhi s are spinning, weaving,
shoe-making, brick-making, mesonary, and carpentary. Sewing is a later
introduction. Grinding of grain is also the occupation of some of the
Ladakhis. These people own water-operated flour mills. With the
force of water flow the grinding stone rotates and does the grinding.
The occupations of Gara, Mon and Beda are specialized. If not more,
atleast one member form each family knows spinning and weaving. Spinn¬
ing is so common and casual that one can find a Ladakhi male or female
spining even while going to some place or while standing or roaming about
in the market. During the course of conversation too many of them
keep on spinning with a small spindle arranged for the purpose near the
lower part of abdomen. This is how they prepare woollen threads for
weaving. The woollen cloth is prepared by the Ladakhis themselves.
There is no taboo for weaving on the basis of sex. Small woollen carpets,
popularly known as Ladakhi carpets, are locally prepared by them. Such
carpets are nicely spread in the Chotkang. The demand of woollen clothes
is locally met. Looking to the rising demand for Pashmina shawl the
government has lately set up weaving centres in Leh, Kargil and Nyoma.
The shawls, carpets and other articles manufactured in these centres have
ready market. The cotton cloth is always bought from the shops. Like¬
wise, the Ladakhis have been making their own shoes. Now, the company
made shoes are also used by many. These are bought from Leh. Such
shoes are generally worn while visiting Leh, or while attending some other
function or fair. The traditional shoes are, however, no less in use.
Not all Ladakhis can prepare them. But there are some experts. The
sole of the shoe is made out of woollen threads properly knitted and
weaved. Women can also prepare the shoes. The height of this shoe
sometimes reaches upto the knee, providing protection against cold
winds. The designs made on the shoe are attractive, especially when they
are multicoloured in nature. Members of both sexes wear similar kind
of shoes.

Like the woollen dresses and shoes, the Ladakhis depend on their own
resource for house construction. Brick-making is a small scale cottage
industry in Ladakh. Almost all the adult male members know the art
of brik-making. The bricks are prepared with the help of a wooden frame
and are sun-dried. Big in size the bricks are rectangular in shape. A
fine clay paste is first prepared and the frame is then filled with it. Later
on the wooden frame is pulled up leaving the brick behind. In order that

Economic sthuctI/re

ill

the wooden frame does not get stuck to clay, its interior surface is mois¬
tened. The bricks are then left to dry. The Ladakhis are so efficient
at brick-making that two of them can prepare 500 bricks a day.

Ordinary masonary work can be done by the men of almost every
family. But for better construction the specialists (Ladakhis themselves)
are engaged. Normally, the specialists, when engaged by others, do not
charge anything. They only take the meals there. The services are
rendered on the basis of reciprocity. Carpentary is a specialized job and
there are definite people to do it. Ishae-Shang of Spituk, a Ladakhi, is
an expert carpenter and prepares doors, windows, tables, etc. He does it
with lot of carving and engraving. Ishae-Shang works as carpenter for
all and charges rupees five per day. Like carpentary, ironsmithy is also
a specialized job and is not done by all. Only the Garas are the black¬
smiths. Sewing, as in occupation, has lately caught the attention of the
Ladakhis. Sewing machines have become more popular in Spituk.
Fifteen families own sewing machines and do the sewing for themselves,
as also for others. Both men and women operate on the machine. For
others the sewing is done on payment basis. Two of the fifteen families
have good income from sewing. This new occupation is not associated
with any specific ethnic group. Sewing has, however, not yet been taken
as a full-time job.

Trade

The trade was wide spread in the past. The Ladakhis used to trade
with the people of Skardu and Kashmir. The traders from Kashmir and
Punjab brought shawls, grain, copper-tinned vessels, including liquid
containers and plates, spoons, etc. The consignment also included special
kind of Gur Gur and Chang containers. The trade of such items is still
there. Salt from land-locked lakes and springs in Chang-Thang was, in
small quantities, exported to these places. Ohter items of export included
dried fruits and borax. The chief item of trade was fine wool obtained
from underfleece of sheep. This particular wool is still exported out of
Ladakh to Srinagar and other places. It is not traded with Skardu and
Yarkhand. Shawl wool, felts, tea and silks came to Kashmir from
Yarkhand via Ladakh. It may be pointed out that most of the Ladakhis
have not, themselves, been the traders but involved, in the trade as carriers.
Only a handful of the Kalhons and their relations were the traders, especi¬
ally of fine wool. The rest were engaged by outside traders for various
kinds of jobs required in trading. Largely they were employed as coolies
for carrying merchandise and for maintenance of the road. As the trade
route to Central Asian countries was through Ladakh, Leh happened to
be the main centre of exchange of various commodities. Leh had been
the meeting place for caravaners from Yarkhand, Kashgar, Kashmir etc.
The major exchange was of shawl wool, coarse cotton, borax, salt, gold
ponies etc., with sugar, spices, saffron, shawl, cotton clothes, etc. Through

Ill

THE LADAKHI

the centrical situation of Ladakh, the commercial intercourse was between
Tibet, Turkestan, Russia and China on the one hand and Kashmir and the
plain towns of India on the other.

Till many years after Indian independence, in 1947, the Ladakhis
continued their trade with Tibet. Trading with Tibetans was there for
centuries, and that way the Ladakhis have been having intimate relation¬
ship with Lhasa. Tea was mostly imported from Lhasa where it used to
be brought from China. The Ladakhis continued to have heavy tea con¬
sumption. Some of the better quality tea was imported from Yarkand.
In addition to tea, plated and silver vessels, brocades and silk were also
imported from China. The trade agreement of 1954 between India and
China came to an end in June 1962. This led to the ending of Indo-
Tibetan trade. The trade with Tibet came to an end after the Chinese
took over Tibet. However, the dwindling of trade had already started
when Sinkiang’s borders with Ladakh were sealed by the Chinese in
September 1949.

With Baltistan, the adjoining province, tra.de contascts had been
maintained. With Baltis the Ladakhis, as mediators, used to barter wool
with the superior quality of dried apricots. Alongwith the fine quality of
dried apricots, the Baltis also received wool for waterpots and cooking
vessels of grit stone which they supplied to the Ladakhis. Now the
boundaries with Baltistan are sealed and the Ladakhis have no
commercial relations with the Baltis.

Initially the Ladakhis were not under obligation to supply labour or
protection to the caravaners. Help was rendered voluntarily. The terms,
conditions and modes of payment were not defined in absolute terms. But
after British Indian government’s treaty with Kashmir (1870), regulations
were made to channelise the trade through Ladakh. It was made obliga¬
tory on the part of the villagers enroute to supply labour and ponies at
comparatively cheaper rates. This kind of enforcement was- termed as
Res system. In the post-Indian independence period the Res system
was abolished when it was observed that the system came hard on the
people.

Now that the foreign trade through Ladakh has been stopped, the
Ladakhis involvement in Res and trade has also been abandoned. The
internal transportation of goods in Ladakh is now manifold. The goods
and merchandise imported in easily approachable parts of Ladakh are
then to be sent to remote localities of the district. The Ladakhis are
engaged to transport the goods from one place to another. They do it
with the help of their pack animals and are paid suitably. As such the
stoppage of trade with Yarkhand, Skardu, Kashgar, etc., has note conomb
cally affected the Ladakhis. Rather, their earning as transporters are now
more than what they had in the past. The Ladakhis carry rations for the
troops deployed in the interior and more difficult areas. They are paid
at the rates mutually agreed, upon by the Ladakhis and the organization
concerned. For instance, from Leh to Karakoram, a man transporting

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

113

a horse-load would get Rs. 250/-. This amount is for one way, and if he
has to reach it both ways he would be paid Rs. 350/-. Likewise the
rates are also fixed for other areas.

It may simultaneously be mentioned that the sealing of eastern,
western and the northern boundaries of Ladakh, in a short span, did give
a momentary jolt to economic life of the Ladakhis. But then the situa¬
tion could be managed by the added economic opportunites which quickly
came up in Ladakh. Expansion of internal transportation, employment
opportunities and labour jobs provided additional sources of income.
Things took shape in such a quick succession that the Ladakhis could
not feel the pressure of economic blocade. The same could have happened
in the absence of additional sources of earning.

Poverty and debt

Ladakhis are partly poor and partly under debt. The nature of
poverty is the same but its extent differs. It was observed that the Lada¬
khis of Spituk, Sabu and Thiksay are comparatively better-off than those
of Kuyul. The material possessions and the standard of living of the two
differ. Land holdings in Kuyul are poor. The labour and other employ¬
ment opportunities for them are of a lesser magnitude. But among the
inhabitants of Spituk, Sabu and Thiksay every family is not at the same
economic level. More of them live from hand to mouth. A few, especi¬
ally the Kalhon families have more land holdings. Some of their members
are in employment too. Being comparatively more progressive they also
grow cash crops like vegetables and fruits. Such people have surplus
and are having good standard of living with huge double and even triple¬
storeyed houses. They have sufficient to eat and give loan to others. But
the general Ladakhis are under debt. It may be stated that out of 300
families, 146 (48.67%) have taken debt. Among those who have taken
debt, the nature of debt is as under.

Table showing the nature of debt taken by the Ladakhis

SI. No.

Nature of debt

No. of families

Percentage

Who took money only

4.79

Who took money plus grain

8.91

Who took grain only

126

86.30

The table reveals that the requirement of Ladakhis is more for grain
than cash. It may be mentioned that out of 146, who took debt, 60 did

114

THE LADAKHI

so from Gompa only. In case of those who took grain, the quantities
taken are as under.

Table showing the quantities of grain taken as debt (Out of 139 cases)

SI.

No.

Quantity taken

No. of families
who took it

Percentage

Upto 10 Khal

28.78

1 1 to 20 Khal

47.48

More than 20 Khal

23.74

The informants have stated that more needy are those who have large
families and comparatively less land holdings. In exceptional situation,
such as drought condiions, more families depend on Gompa for grain.

Among the Bhotos the more prominent form of debt is in kind than
cash. The required quantity of butter, grain, flour, tea etc., are borrowed
by the needy. This nature of borrowing is different from what is found
in certain caste groups in plain India. Here the borrowing and lending
are not conditioned by very rigid terms and conditions. The borrower
may, at times, return the same amount or quantity. On other occasions
he makes addition while repaying. The conditions are not felt as hard.
The interest, especially compound, and some other characters of debt
relationship are missing in Ladakhi society. There are no professional
money-lenders. The system is maintained keeping in view the back¬
ground of help. The villagers uphold the spirit of help and cooperation.
Under the religious purview too they feel unhappy if they find anyone
suffering for want of food and other things. Because of simple living of
Ladakhis the requirements are not many. The element of economic
exploitation is not forceful. But it may be mentioned that in case of the
things borrowed from monastery the villagers have to repay more. This
is always the tradition.

There are three chief sources of borrowing money or material. These
include Gompa, shopkeepers and friends and relatives. The friends and
shopkeepers can also be the non-Ladakhis. For borrowing money or
material the village Gompa is preferred. In case there is no Gompa in
the village, the one to which the family, from sect point of view, belongs
is approached. Kuyul, for instance, has no Gompa and as such its
inhabitants have to go, for the purpose of borrowing, to Hemis or Henle
Gompa. But in Spituk is a Gompa and the needy ones take loan from
there only. For Gompas it is almost obligatory to lend money and
material. Generally the Gompas are rich institutions and maintain huge
stores of various articles required in day-to-day life. Every Gompa has
regular funds for the purpose. The Gompa maintains surplus through

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

115

its earning from Gompa land, livestock, offerings and contributions made
by the people. Gompa store and treasury are open to one and all. Even
the non-Bhotos, residing in the village, can enjoy the facility. The system
is not complicated. The Chhag-jot of Gompa looks after its property.
He is the one approached by the needy. Trust and confidence are the
chief factors taken into consideration while lending the things. No
signature or thumb impression is ever obtained from the borrower. Only
the Chhag-jot keeps a record of the transaction. The Ladakhis depend
upon Gompa during lean months, that is, for a few months prior to the
harvesting of crops. Help is also sought while conducting the rituads and
caremonies specially connected to rites-de-passage. At the time of
repayment the Ladakhis return more than what they received from Gompa.
Some informants from Sabu reported that they paid, in the past, twenty-
five percent interest on the loan. Also, if 100 Batti grain was borrowed,
125 Batti was returned. Now the interest is said to have been reduced to
twelve and a half percent. Such conditions further help in enriching
Gompa resource. The loans, in cash or kind, are to be returned after
the harvesting of crops. The person concerned is not even reminded for
repayment. As the things were obtained from a religious institution these
are returned without asking for it. The return with addition is also done
in the name of Gompa. As the man does it willingly within the set tra¬
ditions of Gompa, the element of exploitation is not conspicuously obser¬
ved. It may further be mentioned that in some cases the Gompa’ s
treatment comes hard and harsh, involving an element of exploitation.
For instance if the loans taken from Gompa are not returned for a long
time, the Gompa management decides to ta,ke possession of the land
holdings of the borrower. The land is, thus, acquired in the name of
Gompa and is cultivated by their men. If the loans are still not returned
the land is permanently retained by the Gompa. As an instance, Paldan
Chhewang’s father Sonam Lagzur, owned land. He borrowed grain and
money from Spituk Gompa. As he could not return it for a few years his
land was transferred in the name of Gompa. Chhewang is, thus, now
landless.

There are no shopkeepers in Kuyul and Spituk. In Sabu and Thik-
say a few petty shops exist. But the Ladakhis borrow from the shop¬
keepers in Leh and Nyoma. Apart from eating provisions the money
can also be borrowed from such shopkeepers. Generally, the Bhotos take
flour, grain, butter, salt, tea etc., on credit. Such dealings are governed
by definite terms and conditions. The shopkeepers either accept, in return,
more of Battis, or calculate the equivalent money value and accept the
cash. Or, they may also accept wool of equivalent value, including the
interest. In that case the rate of wool is fixed slightly low and the person
keeps quiet.

The Bhots also take debt from friends, colleagues and relatives. This
kind of system is said to be more beneficial in the sense that no interest
is charged on the amount. Whatever borrowed is only to be returned—

116

THE LADAKHi

a feature missing in case of Gompa and the shopkeeper. Another lately
introduced practice wherein the element of exploitation does not appear
is to borrow from Cooperative Societies existing in Leh as well as Nyoma.
Kuyul people borrow from Nyoma and the rest from Leh. The govern¬
ment departments also provide this facility. Things are available on
government approved rates. Rice and butter are preferably purchased
from Cooperative Societies. Baam Duniya Cooperative Society, Leh
was started over a decade back. Initially the Ladakhis raised some funds
by subscribing rupees six each. Then they collected the membership
fee of Rs. 11/- each. The government also gave its own contribution
as subsidy. An Executive Committee of seven members was formed.
Its members are elected every year. The chief function of the Cooperative
society is to manage for various commodities at reasonable rates.

Division of labour

The rules of division of labour are not very rigid in the sense that a
particular person would only do a particular job. A grown up person is
multipurpose. However, some reservations have still been made on the
basis of age, sex, education, physical fitness, opportunity, religious obliga¬
tion, community expectation and compulsions of societal norms. The
aged ones, especially those who are not physically fit, either go out
for cattle grazing or relax in the house and keep on rotating the prayer
wheel. Sitting in the house they may do spinning and weaving, as laso
look after the younger children. Some also prepare the shoes if they can.
They are utilised for the purpose of watching the crops. When the elderly
people are physically fit they also take part in other agriculture activities
including ploughing, sowing, carrying and broadcasting compost, harves¬
ting and irrigation. They extend help in carrying loads, preparing bricks,
constructing house and fencing walls, digging of water channels, bringing
drinking water, winnowing and threshing. Except in ploughing, the
young and able-bodied females take part in almost ail the above mentioned
activities. In addition she attends to the household jobs like cooking,
cleaning of utensils and floor, serving, preparing Chang and Gur Gur and
rearing of children. It may be mentioned that the cooking is normally
done by the younger daughter or daughter-in-law. So long as they are
in the house the old mother does not cook. The woman does spinning,
weaving, knitting and sewing. A young and physically fit woman puts
in more work in the fields than what a man does. The adolescents either
go to school or are sent for cattle grazing. They are also, at times, engaged
to look after their younger brothers and sisters, if any. But they are
frequently seen loitering about here and there, or playing with others of
their own age group.

Many educated men and women, specially of young age, are serving
in different capacities. From my sample of 300 families one Ladakhi
is a Medical Officer from Spituk, Another from Sabu is a gazetted

ECONOMIC STRUCTURE

117

officer in Indian Tibet Border Police. There are many others employed
as peons, sepoys, teachers, postmen, clerks, Other Rank and Non-Commi¬
ssioned Officers. Those posted near their villages return home in the
evening. On Sundays and other holidays they are found working in their
fields. They also engage in brick-making, wall construction, transporta¬
tion of compost etc.

The agriculture work suffers when labour demand is put up by the
monastery. As a tradition the Ladakhis are under an obligation to
spare and supply the required number of men and women as labourers.
These persons would work for Gompa, attend to its agriculture and
other jobs without expecting any remuneration. The system has been
methodically organised. The requirement of manpower is sent to Goba
who fixes, in turn, the families who have to supply labour for the specified
period. Sowing of land belonging to Gompa, its irrigation and harves¬
ting are attended by the villagers. And the total produce goes to Gompa.
Even if there are no spare persons in a fam.ily, to work in Gompa fields
they have to manage a man on payment basis from outside the family, and
ask him to work for Gompa. At no cost a family can afford to overlook
the demand of monastery. When one or more persons from a family are
deputed to work for monastery the division of labour within the family
gets imbalanced. People admitted that they respond to the call of monas¬
tery because the latter provides religious services. But the course adopted
is not voluntary. The Goba has to submit to the monastic demand.
Consequently his instructions cannot be turned down by anyone.

In spite of the continuity of above system, the Ladakhis now feel less
oppressed in terms of the work taken from them. In past the government
functionaries, at various levels, were always assigning some work to
them. It was to be done under force and pressure. According to a local
Ladakhi syaing people used to be so tightly engaged that they could not
find time even to wear shoes. People remained submissive for fear of
authorities in power. The villagers were physically beaten in case of
disobedience. Such forced labour and exploitation are no more existing.
The old order dwindled after India became free of colonial yoke. The
Ladakhis now feel more relaxed. For whatever work they are now
engaged by the government authorities the Ladakhis are always paid
at reasonable rates. However, their ageold commitment to sacred
authorities persists as before. And the people, by and large, do not
grumble about it.

Mechanism of Socio-Political Control

The Ladakhis are basically non-violent and submissive. This is said
to be the outcome of Buddhism, the religion they follow. Within this
background the major crimes are unheard of. However, instances of
deviations from and breaking of norms are, at times, reported. Apart
from religion the difficult terrain and hard climatic conditions are said to
have contributed in making the Ladakhis docile and less aggressive. Not
many problems in the context of socio-political control are, therefore,
highlighted in Ladakhi society. On the other hand there are a large
number of agencies to control deviations and norm-breaking. Their
procedures are so designed that normalcy is revived without much of
difficulty. As such the stage of social disorganisation does not come
through.

In addition to the agencies, meant to retain the traditional order of
socio-political control, there operate other channels in support of status
quo. Socialization is one such process, and involvement in religious
performances is another. Both are strongly pro-traditional social system.
Most of the norms and customary laws have strong influence on Ladakhi
life. While growing one comes to know of desirable and undersirable
events. Telling lies, stealing, being violent, abusing, disobeying the parents
and the religions persons, rejecting the parental offers, showing disres¬
pect to Gompas, keeping Chotkang unclean, back-biting, neglecting
social distance with the members of other ethnic groups are considered
unwanted in Ladakhi life and culture. Necessary care is taken to avoid
the same in day-to-day living. Likewise the participation in religious
performances, which are so common in Ladakhi society, makes the grow¬
ing person more subservient to its way of life. As religion is one of the
strongest deciding factors in Ladakhi life-designs, people get conversed
with its major parameters more related to their day-to-day life.

A past view

The pattern of socio-political control, now observed, is marked with
some change when compared to the one prevalent in the past. Some
change in the compositional front of village council is marked. Some
applies to its modus operandi. For instance the death penalty is now
unheard of. A view of the change in respect of composition, decision-

mechanism of socio-political control

119

making and punishment can be understood when the present situation is
compared to what existed in the last century and beyond. Cunningham
has stated that “Administration of justice in Ladakh was truly patriarchal.
When anyone was injured or agrieved, he proceeded straight to Gyalpo,
Kalhon, Goba. An assembly of 5 or of 7 elders of the community was
then called to hear and to decide upon the case. Elders are known as
Gatpas. Punishment included stripes, fines and imprisonment, and in
extreme cases banishment or death. In cases of sacrilege, such as
speliation of temples, or in horrible cases of murder, the criminals were
either crucified, or thrown into the Indus, bound hand and foot weighted
with stones. But the more usual punishment for murder was banishment,
or rather ignominious expulsion from society; preceded by stripes and
branding. The brand was made of iron and was about one inch in length.
It bore a dog’s head, with inscription, dog-marked expelled. Thus after
being well flogged and branded the unfortunate criminal was drummed
out of society, followed hooting crowds, who pelted him with stones and
dirt. For the murder of a child, a woman was sentenced to the loss of one
hand, and to the expulsion with the same indignities as above. The two
modes of capital punishment were drowning and crucifixion. In the
latter, the criminal was conducted to the Songsa, or place of execution,
by the Shetma, or executioner. The crucifix was a St. Andrew’s cross
fixed to an upright stake. The culprit was stripped, his hands and feet
were bound to the extremities of the cross, while his head was secured to
the upright stake by his own hair. He was either quickly tortured to
death by boiling oil, or was slowly allowed to expire under all the agonies
of thirst and physical suffering. It is worthy of notice that in both of
these modes of capital punishment, the shedding of blood was studiously
shunned; for the sentence of crucifixion was carried out of binding, in¬
stead of nailing the criminal to the cross. There must have been some
religious repugnance to putting a culprit to death by any mode that
involved the shedding of blood. Mitilation of one or of both hands was,
however, occasionally employed. For theft and other crimes, the punish¬
ment was three-fold. : that is, corporal punishment, or stripes, property
punishment or fine, which was nearly always taken in goods, prison
punishment, or imprisonment. The corporal punishment was the same
for man and woman. The culprit was placed full length on the ground,
and received the awarded number of stripes on the bare posteriors. This
punishment, however, could always be avoided by the payment of a
commensurate fine. In case of imprisonment the culprits were confined
in the jail. Theoretically, food was allowed during the term of imprison¬
ment; but practically, both in the provinces and in the capital the prisoner’s
friends were obliged to supply food to save them from starvation”
(Cunningham 1834; Reprint 1970:262-266).

In case of theft, the stolen property, if recovered, was restored to its
owner. And a fine, equal in value to the amount of the stolen goods,
was levied on the thief for the benefit of the state. If the property was

120

THE LADAKHI

not recovered, a double fine was levied, one half being given to the robbed
party, and the other half to the government. This was the punishment
for first offence. For a second offence the sentence was loss of the left
hand; for a third offence, loss of right hand, and for a fourth offence, death
by drowning. The last was rare. These punishments were in all cases
of robbery of public property or of monastic goods. But in private
robbery the usual influences had then weight. Near relationship might
sway the judges to a milder sentence; or a fair brive, judiciously bestowed
might induce the chief Lama of the monastery of Hemis to interfere by an
appea.1 to the King’s mercy, which it was unusual to refuse. In adultery
where the woman was the guilty party, the paramour was fined according
to his means, or received an equivalent corporal punishment, while the
husband had the option of taking back the woman if he chose to do so.
If he did not wish to keep her, he could retain her dowry. When the
husband was the guilty party, the wife could demand back her dowry.

In doubtful cases, a decision was obtained either by casting lots, or
by ordeal. In the latter case, the accused had either to draw a red-hot
iron through his hand, or take a stone out of a pot of boiling oil without
injury. Alexander Cunninghman further stressed that the laws of Ladakh
continued in force even under the rule of Maharaja Gulab Singh. It may
be stated that some of the practices, mentioned by Cunningham, had
disappeared in the beginning of current century itself. In the Census
Report of Jammu and Kashmir Sta.te (1911:211) it has been stated that
“In Ladakh the Lamas continue to weild authority in all religious and
social matters, although the old punishments of ostracism, throwing an
iron chain round the neck, whipping and the like, once inflicted by the
local Rajas, have with the decline of their political power ceased to exist;
nor has excommunication much force a.mong the casteless Bodhs, but
the fear of Kushok’s curse, a boycott by the Lamas and non-admission
into Gompas have great deterrant effect a.nd. make the decision passed by
the priestly class on religious and social matters inviolable”.

The informants now admit that the crimes are towards increase. But
those of the serious nature are not many. There has lately been generated
a trend to report the incidents beyond village council. Some Ladakhis
make appeal in the Court of Sub- Judge. The latter have replaced Gyalpo
and Kalhon. During the course of my discussion with Sub Judge of
Leh, I was informed that his court received 75 cases in the year 1969.
None of these was forwarded by the Goba. Even the Sub-Judgeadmitted
that the crimes are towards increase among the Ladakhis, though their
number is not as high as it could be in other parts of the country. He
further stated that there was a time when Ladakhis did not lock-up their
houses. They never had doubt on the integrity, honesty and intentions
of a person. But now the situation is changing. The cases brought to
the court of Sub- Judge were of breach of peace, land, sex and beating.
Instances were reported when Ladakhis went even upto High Court. In
all the cases brought to the Court of Sub-Judge, the parties involved were

MECHANISM Of SOClO POLITICAL CONTROL

121

from the Ladakhis. However, one fellow had filed a case against Gompa
organisation stating that his land had been grabbed by monastic hierarchy.

Goba and his assistants

In every Ladakhi village the socio-politi-control is enforced through
Goba, the village headman, and his two or more assistants known as
Members. Normally there is one in a village. But the number of
Members depends upon the size of population constituting the village.
Every village is divided into sections whose number varies according to
population strength. Each section of the village is having a Member as
its representative and spokesman. For various matters the Members
are held responsible for their respective section. Goba, that way, is
responsible for the entire village including all the sections. The structure
of administration and control is represented through two-tier system.
One consists of Goba and the other of the Members. This structure is
uniform in all the four villages. It may be mentioned that the institution
of Goba has all through been existing in Ladakhi village community. The
assistants or sectional heads have also been there, though the term Member
(Ghansum) has only lately been introduced. This specially came into
force after the influence of National Congress Party on the Ladakhis.
Previously, they were not very formally recognised. The basic pattern
of the village administration is, thus the same as it used to be in the past.
The change of nomenclature is, however, reported. The Members,
selected after 1947 got normally registered with National Congress Office
in Leh. Through them the village council is connected to wider political
party. The term of office of a Goba or Member is not defined. Only
the men are ascribed these positions and the person can be changed as
and. when necessary. The village community is empowered to take deci¬
sions in such matters. There is yet another functionary who obeys the
orders of Goba and the Member. He has no hand in resolving disputes
but simply acts as a messenger of the council consisting of Goba and
Members. The man can be sent for any business concerning the village
council. He is a great help to Goba. He conveys the messages ard
carries the news back. The man is also taken help of while raising con¬
tributions of various kind. This man, known as Kotwal, is nominated
by Goba and his assistants. A Kotwal does not form part of the village
council, though he meets certain requirements of the council. Sometimes
there is more than one Kotwal in a village. The sectional or Mohalla
Kotwal is selected by Mohalla people. Subsequently they get it approved
from Goba. The selection is done, by rotation every year.

All the Ladakhi villages have their village councils. Kuyul council
is headed by Tashi Pulzor, an illiterate man. As the size of this village
is comparatively small, Tashi Pulzor is assisted only by two Members.
These three are responsible for social control at village level. As sanc¬
tioned procedure Goba has been given more privileges. These he enjoys

Ill

tfefE LADAiCHi

independently as well as jointly with the Members. A Goba is empowered
to impose fine. He can ask a person to leave the village and can resort
to physical beating. When someone does not obey him the person can
be dragged to police custody. The Goba is selected by the members of
village community. There is no election for the position, and the selec¬
tion is made with common consent. After his selection the prominent
male members of the village escort him to Tashildar (Revenue
Assistant). They certify his identity as Goba and the same is entered
into official records by the Revenue Assistant. After returning back
to the village, the elderly ones consume Chhang to celebrate the
occasion. That the Goba is to be always registered with a Tahsildar,
and not with any other official, is becuase of the fact that the
former does maintain his association with land revenue — an arena with
which the Tahsildar is also connected. On behalf of the government a
Goba is deputed to collect land revenue form the villagers under his
jurisdiction. He gets five percent of the total land revenue collected as
his remuneration. The recovery of revenue is done in collaboration
with Patwari (village accountant). In general a Goba is taken as the
torch bearer for all important matters. The villagers express that they
cannot do without a Goba. A Goba shares the joys and sorrows of the
village community. It may be mentioned that the Members after they are
selected by the villagers are not produced before Tahsildar or any other
official. Women have no say in selecting the village leaders. Nor a
female is ever selected for the positions of Goba and Member. The right
to achieve these positions is denied to the women in spite of the fact that
they have considerable freedom. For these positions the women are
considered incapable and ineffective. It is further felt that the females,
being preoccupied with household and other duties, are not in a position
to spare time for the purpose. At the same time the men do not want
that the women should give verdict and decisions. That a woman is
debarred on the ground of impurity is not true. Prior to his selection as
Goba or Member, man’s qualities are taken note of. Simplicity, honesty,
truthfulness, social status, reputation and nature of dealings with others
are considered. The man is required, to be on the positive side of such
factors before he is considered for the position. A sound economic
background is not an important factor for consideration. One may or
may not be rich. For instance the Goba of Kuyul is a rich man having
more land and livestock than other inhabitants of the village. But the
Goba of Spituk is not a rich man. * There are many others richer than
him. The social placement of a man is stressed upon. This is one reason
why Beda, Mon and Gara can never become Goba or Member. They
are treated socially inferior. Socially superior Ladakhis say the Kalhons,
are preferred for the purpose. At times the role of monastery is no less
important. This is more true for villages having Gompas. When the
villagers have some difference of opinion about a selection, they approach
the Kushok and request him to name the persons for the positions of Goba

MECHANISM OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTROL

123

and Member. It may even be done without having difference of opinion.
A man nominated by Kushok is not challenged by any villager. Even if
such nomination is unpleasant to someone he does not publicity dare to
express it. A Kushok’ s say is final and not to be underestimated. The
present Goba of Spituk was nominated by Kushok Bakula. That a man
should be more educated to get the positions of Goba and Member is again
not true. There are may more educated people in Spituk, Kuyul and
Sabu who have not been given the positions. Likewise a man’s position
in service and his better contact with outsiders do not form the preferred
qualification for becoming a Goba or Member. The Gobas of all the
four villages arc agriculturists and are not formally educated. It is aga.in
not true that the positions of village council would only be given to very
aged people. There are far more aged and experienced people in Kuyul
and Spituk than the current Gobas. Both of the latter are comparatively
of young age. The Goba of Spituk is about forty years old. He is
uneducated and heads the civilian labour force. Total land possessed by
him is sixty Kanal. He has been to Bodh Gaya, and has the experience of
air travel. His outlook is broad and pro-change. He makes use of
certain improved agriculture practices. This Goba is receptive and help¬
ful to outsiders. The villagers have full confidence in his leadership
irrespective of his being an illiterate man.

Since the tenure for the positions of village council is not fixed the
Goba may continue for atleast five years provided people are satisfied
with him. But when a Goba is found behaving partial in decision¬
making or if he shows signs of dishonesty, negligence and unresponsive¬
ness the villagers dislodge him. With his removal the village council is
not dissolved. The villagers inform the Tahsildar who cancels his regis¬
tration from the records. The removal is not a ceremonial affair. Once
a Goba is removed he has no scope for any appeal. The removal of a
Member is still simple as the villagers need not even inform the Tahsildar.

There exists a positional hierarchy in village council. The Goba’s
position is superior to a Member. His rights and privileges are more.
The fact is known to all the inhabitants. In minor cases a Goba alone can
give the verdict. The superiority of Goba’s position is recognised by the
government too. One of the Members can officiate as Goba if the real
one is absent and if the urgency is realised. In major events concerning
village community or the people of a section the representation is stressed
upon. Any major cause of concern demands more democratic frame¬
work.

Next to Goba in position is the Member. Some concessions have
been given to the latter. These specially relate to the people in his section.
Being the headman and spokesman of a section he can exert in certain
issues. But his version cannot be accepted as binding. People can
approach him for advice. The major issues involving wider interests are
decided jointly by the Goba and the Members. The people of a section
are supposed to have regard for the Member and his leadership. A

124

THE LADAKHI

Member conveys Goba’s instructions to the people of his section. And
the desired response is expected to the same. It is the duty of the Member
to ensure, on behalf of the people of his section all help and cooperation
to Goba.

In spite of positional stratification in village council the Member with
his subordinate position is never under-estimated by the Ladakhis. So
long as the latter is holding the position he is not to be challenged. The
council positions and the incumbants against them are usually rated only
next to the Lamas. Such positional arrangement is practically displayed
in larger gatherings. For example, in a worship where Lamas read the
sacred literature and the villagers participate, the sitting arrangement is
made according to the defined positions of the persons. The religious
men occupy the highest seats with bigger Ladakhi tables in front of them
followed in order by Goba, the Members and other elderly men of the
village community. In a ceremony where the Lamas are not present
the Goba occupies the first seat. The Members and other elderly parti¬
cipants come next to him. In a sectional gathering where Goba and
Lama are not present the concerned Member occupies the topmost place
followed by other senior men of the section.

In regard to the roles and activities of the council there is not much
of complexity and rigidity. The norms and sanctions a.re in the know¬
ledge of people though they are not written in the form of code of conduct.
Even when two out of the three members are removed by the villagers the
council is not dissolved. One man council may function till the substi¬
tutes are selected. The quoram is thus not stressed upon except in the
event of some important occasion. The conflicts and proposals are not
reported to the village council in writing. There is no need of submit¬
ting any application nor paying any fees to the council. No nomination
papers are filled. Neither any records are maintained nor signatures
required. Verbal proceedings and evidences are acceptable. There is
no special place to hold council meeting. For major issues involving wider
community interests and implication, the council meetings are convened
in Gompa campus — it may be an out-house of the monastery. Since this
place holds religious sanctity the participants cultivate a fair deal. Because
of the religious fear the facts are represented and the decisions made
accordingly. For minor matters the meeting may be convened at the
residence of Goba. The message regarding the date and time of the
meeting of council are again orally communicated. Kotwa.1 who is sent
for the purpose meets the concerned persons and conveys the message on
behalf of Goba. No written instructions are issued to Kotwal. In
addition to sending instructions the Goba may from time to time direct
Kotwal for any job. For instance when some senior official or a d.ignitory
proposes to visit the village the Kotwal is deputed to make arrangement
for his boarding, lodging and other comforts. If need be the villagers are
informed to gather at one place to meet the visitor. The petty officials
accommodate themselves in Goba’s house. Fie offers at least one meal

MECHANISM OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTROL

125

to them. For subsequent meals the Goba through Kotwal askes other
Members to manage. In case of longer stay the prominent persons of the
village are also asked to arrange for the meals. The family who is to
supply the meals is intimated by the Kotwal well in advance. If the visitor
happens to bring his horse along, the fodder for the animal is also arran¬
ged. Kotwal is attached with the visitor during the course of his stay in
the village. The position of a Kotwal is nominated one. He is nominated
by Goba in consultation with the Members. There is no fixed tenure for
a Kotwal. Every family by rotation has to spare one man for the job.
A Kotwal gets no remuneration and at the same time is requistioned any
time by the Goba and Member for his services. No special status is
attached with the position of a Kotwal. Blit the Ladakhis do recognise
him as a bonafide messenger of village council and respond accordingly.

In spite of the unwritten code of conduct and oral procedures and
proceedings the role of village council is very important. For their
superior positions the Goba and the Members have lot to say in the arena
of Ladakhi life and culture. It can be seen at some place or the other in
the social, economic, political, religious and cultural life of the village
community. Justice is imparted, social control is regulated and functions,
ceremonies and rites, connected to certain life-ways are supervised. There
is frequent inter-play of Goba, Members and other elderly men of the
community. And most of the resolutions are an outcome of such an
interaction. Opinion and advice of the elderly lot are given due attention.
And if conflicts are still not resolved the guidance may be sought from the
religious men of Gompa. More often approached for the purpose is
Chhag-jot of the monastic organisation. But when something is not
decided even at his level, Kushok is the last man to be contacted. His
decision is final and his word is almost law to the Ladakhis.

The procedure of holding council meeting is not complicated. The
matter is first looked into by the Goba. He then sends for Kotwal. The
Members are intimated and are asked, to come to a particular place decided
by the Goba. In case the dispute is between two parties, their members
are asked to appear. And if the dispute is of common concern the othei
elderly men of the village are also invited. As a matter of procedure
Goba introduces the subject and initiates discussions. Others listen to
him and react only when he is through. I observed the proceedings of
a council meeting in Spituk, held in late evening in Gompa campus. Any
participant would speak any time during the course of session, even if it
interferes in what the other is saying. One could hear many voices at a
time. Things calmed down to some extent when Goba shouted and
intervened. Pin-drop silence prevails if they come to know of Kushok’ s
arrival. The head Lama is requested to intervene only in rare case.

The members involved in a dispute are given sufficient scope for
hearing. In case the women are involved they are at liberty to express
themselves. The Goba and the Membes listen to the arguments and, if
need be, they probe further. The hearings are directed by Goba and are

126

THE LADAKHI

open. Anyone can turn up and observe the proceedings. In addition to
those directly involved, some witnesses may also be examined. But it
depends on the seriousness of the problem and the demand of the occasion.
The spokesmen of the involved parties may also be given chance to speak.
They at times speak of their own. Even when unwanted, an observer can
also be heard interfering in the proceedings. At last the Goba and the
Members give their verdict. The decision mutually agreed upon is made
public by the Goba. When it becomes difficult to assess the situation under
arguments and counter arguments the village council seeks help of the
religion. The members involved in the dispute are asked to take oath in
the name of Lord Buddha in support of their statements. It is believed
that the Ladakhis being religion-dominated people would not speak lies
in the name of Lord Buddha. In case the wrong statements are made the
supreme god would get annoyed and they may invite some harm. In this
background the facts come to the surface. One at fault would not afford
to annoy Lord Buddha. In most of the cases the offender is identified
correctly. What a man says in the name of Lord Buddha is acceptable
to the members of the council. But if the confusion continues to prevail
even after the performance of the ritual the matter is sorted out by Kushok.
Or, the case may be referred to Police or Tahsildar. People from Kuyul
mentioned of yet another device to solve the complicated cases. It is again
religion-oriented. The members of the village council request the head
Lama to keep sacred books on the heads of the persons who are to make
statement in connection with their case. A common belief is that no one
would speak lies after keeping sacred literature on the head. Since major
areas of Ladakhi life and culture are directly or indirectly connected to
religion, people do not dare to ignore religious sanctity. The religion
is equally helpful in the detection of crime. Under the circumstances the
statements of the parties are accepted and the decisions made accordingly.
Most of the cases are locally settled. Only the case of murder, which is
a rare occurrence among Ladakhis is reported to the Police. In a land case
the Patwari is requested to intervene when Goba and. Member fail to
resolve the same.

In addition to the use of Pothis (the sacred books) there are some
other means of detecting crime and the offender. When complications
arise the persons involved are taken to Gompa and made to argue their
case. It is believed that the Ladakhis would not tell lies in Gompa campus.
Being extremely god-fearing they cannot afford to make wrong statements.
If they do so their gods and goddesses would get annoyed and cause harm
to them. Since the guilty one would be reluctant to disrespect the super¬
naturals, his identification becomes easier. There is another device
explained by the informants from Sabu. It is again rooted in religion
and the fear thereof. Tn case of Gompa the element of religion involved
is more of respect to the sacred institution of monastery. In the second
device the fear of supernaturals conditions the persons involved. Those
involved in a dispute are asked to eat a little of sand collected from the

MfcCffANlSM OF SOClO-FOLITicAL CONTROL

ill

cremation ground.. Those who can do so are believed to speak the truth.
And the guilty would not do it. And if he does so he is bound to be
harmed by the spirits of the dead. A man cannot afford to be harmed
by the spirits by concealing the facts, and hence the truth is revealed.
The Ladakhis are of the opinion that annoying the spirits would cause far
more serious consequences than to accept a guilt. This device is said to
be more effective in ascertaining the crime and the guilty and is used only
when all other alternatives fail.

The judgement also defines the nature of punishment if it is provided
for. There is also a provision for announcing rewards. In cases of minor
loss or harm the punishment is mild. The council members ask the
offender to manage for a Khatak and offer the same to one not found
guilty. While offering Khatak the one at fault utters Zu-Zu ( a gesture
of respect). The act is equivalent to the seeking of pardon. At times
the man, not found at fault, is also offered Chang. This happens imme¬
diately after the offering of Khatak. This ritual helps remove ill-feeling.
If the case resolved is bit serious a fine of Rs. 5/- may also be imposed.
Imposition of fine in cash is common in Spituk. As part of further punish¬
ment a man may be asked to arrange for a goat. The man who was
penalised, the one who was declared innocent, the Goba and the Members
share the fine money or the goat, whatever the case may be. For the
money they buy Chang and drink. This brings the meeting to an end. Some
informants from Spituk report that the penalty amount is deposited with
the Chhag-jot of Gompa. In case of elopement the man is to pay a fine
of Rs. 5/- plus a goat. It would, be in the case where force is involved.
But when it is done with mutual consent, no fines are imposed.. Those
involved, are asked to marry. The theft cases are resolved by the imposi¬
tion of fine. Case of theft is rare as the Ladakhi Buddhists consider it
a big evil. In a rape case the man is fined rupees six to seven. He is
further made to seek pardon by saying Zu-Zu to the female. The ordeal
is accompanied by the offering of a Khatak. The fine money goes to the
female. In a case of injury or physical beating the fine is imposed, as
penalty. When a person fails to pay the fine his nature of punishment
is changed. The council proposes for revenge against the guilty. The
Kotwal is directed to tie the hand and feet of the person and to beat him.
He continues beating till the Goba and the Members tell him to stop.

Another method of punishing an offender is locally termed as Melam
Chhulam. It refers to stopping of exchange of fire and water with a person.
It symbolises the curtailment of relationship with the offender. Melam
Chhulam is a sort of social boycot though not a permanent one. The
background is that the person is ma.de to realise his folly. Even the fear
of short-lived punishment is said to be sufficient to revive normalcy in
behaviour. The Ladakhis feel that a permanent social boycot would be
damaging under the hard conditions of living. Melam Chhulam is prac¬
tised only in case of gross violation of norms of conduct, say, when one
challenges or threats a Kushok or a Lama of the senior order or indulges

128

The LAHAKrti

in party politicts against the interest of religious men and if poses threat
to the community or group life.

In the above events a meeting of the village council is called for. The
Goba and the Members invite a few other elderly men of the village. The
offender is directed, to appear before them. He is given sufficient chance
to explain his position. Only when the assembly gets convinced of the
guilt the Melam Chhulam is proposed. The news is' circulated among
all the inhabitants. The implications of social boycot are many. The
Lamas stop rendering religious service to the person and his family.
People stop visiting his house. He is isolated to organise things by him¬
self. Cooperation and help in day-to-day life are withdrawn. Food is
neither offered, to him nor his food shared by others. No one would
propose for marital relations with the ostracised person and any other
member of his family. Such circumstances make existence extremely
difficult. Burden of isolation is unbearable. When it becomes very hard
the guilty decides to seek pardon from the persons in religious hierarchy as
well as those in the village council. The man, concerned, expresses his
willingness to accept any other punishment if he could be readmitted tothe
group. Simultaneously, he expresses his apology and the group considers
the appea.l. Realising that social boycot is a very severe punishment, the
Ladakhis normally avoid committing acts which lead to this situation.

The village council of Ladakhis is a multipurpose agency. It helps
resolve disputes related to land, sex, water channels, intoxication and
physical beating. Revenue collection is chiefly the job of Goba and the
Members. The management of water channels, meant for irrigation, is
the responsibility of the village council. The council members appoint
the villagers, by turn, to look after the maintenance of such channels. In
addition the council has its hand in the organisation of manpower at village
level. This is how they manage to spare people for Gompa service, a s
also for looking after channels and other works. The Goba and the
sectional heads keep account of the manpower and its distribution. Atten¬
ding to any community work, say construction of a school building or
Vihara, is the chief concern of village council. The council members have
the right to direct people to help in any new construction in . Gompa, as
also for the repair of the old ones. Their responsibility further involves
selection of site and raising of funds for the purpose. A very prominent
role of village council lies in the maintenance of status-quo of the existing
social order. They also take care of readjustment of norms under chang¬
ing conditions. Additions and alterations, if any, are channelised through
the council. The council members raise funds for Gompa. This fund
is utilized in organising religious performances. It is done with the under¬
standing that such religious performances are meant for the welfare of the
village community. There is a complete understanding that monastic
organisation would look after the villagers, and the villagers would take
care of the monastic organisation. On many occasions the fine money
is deposited with Gompa only.

MECHANISM OF SOClO-FOLlTICAL CONTROL

129

Occupational and opinion leaders

In addition to Goba and Members there are others who, because of
their being expert in specific occupations, are recognized as leaders by the
Ladakhis. The position of such people cannot, however, be equated with
Goba and Member. But the man is esteemed high because of his being
expert in a particular skill. Since the villagers bank upon, his services,
he is rated higher than others. Many a times he is consulted for matters
other than what he is expert in. Among such experts Lharje or Amchi
is an important man. He is a traditional medicineman of the Ladakhis.
To a Ladakhi an Amchi is the immediately available doctor. A govern¬
ment dispensary is given a secondary place. In the event of a sickness the
Lharje is contacted first. And if he fails to provide relief people go to the
dispensary. A man attains Lharje’s status after he undergoes intensive
training under a trained Amchi. Many a times an Amchi is contacted
only after it is suggested by a Lama. Considering that Amchi is a man
of knowledge and experience the villagers even consult him for matters
other than disease. His advice does help resolve minor matters.

Likewise a religious man, believed to be controlling the supernatural
powers, is also considered a formal leader. The man, known as Chanspa,
helps recovery of those who get adversely affected by the supernatural
powers. Individual apart, the community as a whole recognises the
superiority of Chanspa specially when some calamity is anticipated. He
is requested to avert danger. For matter related to supernatural pheno¬
mena, a Chanspa represents the village community. At times the villagers
may seek his opinion in other matters in which he is not basically qualified.
In addition to Lharje and Chanspa, Onpo is another man who occupies
a prominent position. Though not included in village council he comm¬
ands a position of respect. Since his position is a recognised, one the
villagers show regard to the person. An Onpo is approached under
adverse circumstances. And he manages to avoid ill-luck to the Ladakhis.
The Onpo is considered, as a socially superior person. The villagers bank
upon him for his advice and guidance. The interference of religious
leaders into secular matters is not ruled out, though it is done when they
are asked for it. In village community these people continue to occupy
the positions of prominence.

Goba, Member and the occupational leaders continue to occupy
their traditional stature. It is so even when more educated people are
now available in the village community. More education and better
placement in service are yet to be recognised for the purpose of leadership.
For instance Norbu, a medical graduate and posted as Medical Officer,
is a resident of Spituk. He is a Ladakhi himself but has no place in
leadership hierarchy of Spituk. Similarly, there are quite a few matrb
culates employed as teachers and clerks but having no status and role in
local leadership. It may, however, be mentioned that an educated man,
representing Kalhon’s family, may, at times, be used as spokesman of

130

THE LADAKHI

villagers when some dignitory visits. Master Norb'u from Spitnk is one
such case. He is normally used for such purpose though he occupies no
position in leadership hierarchy at village level. The interesting feature
is that the educated people duly recognise the traditional leadership. They,
like any other Ladakhi, are submissive to the decisions taken by the village
council.

In addition to Goba, Member and the occupational leaders there are
some other important men who are considered somewhat above the
average Ladakhis. They are the ones vested with minor privileges having
more say in certain matters. Chucho or Sangcho head is one of them.
Sangcho refers to the section of village. The Member of the village
council may also be the Sangcho headman. But this is not always necess¬
ary. In some cases the Sangcho headman is different from the Member.
A few of the functions discharged by the two are almost the same. But
then the Member remains a formal leader and Sangcho head as informal
one. Sangcho headman is not authoritarian but is consulted by the people
by virtue of the senior position assigned to him by the people. There is
no fixed tenure for holding the position. He can be changed as and when
liked by the people. The Sangcho headman has more say in Sangcho
life. The organisation of monthly worship is his responsibility. At
the same time he can be assigned some responsibilities on behalf of village
council or the Gompa organisation. If Sangcho headman is unable to
distribute work among his people, for reasons of dissatisfaction among
the latter, there is an alternative to do the same. Tagril system of
Ladakhis forms such an alternative. According to this system the
names of various heads of families are separately written on small
pieces of paper. These pieces are thoroughly mixed while kept in some
container. One piece of paper is taken out of this container and the
name written on it is read. Anyone there is to do the required work.
He cannot back out and refuse.

The Sangcho heads are also consulted by Goba and Members when¬
ever found necessary. They may not necessarily agree with them but such
consultations help explain many things one would not expect from younger
generation. When the informations prove revealing it may help arrive at
definite decisions. Consultation of Sangcho head is specially desired in
matters connected to old arrangements. For instance, he is the most
knowledgeable to tell about the traditional irrigation system, its norms
and procedure. His advice is sought for, but he has not been given any
right to exert as reported in the case of Goba and the Member.

The Ladakhis do have some opinion leaders. Such leaders are
approached and taken help of for certain specific purposes. There are per¬
sons, atleast one in every village or a group of villages, who have expertise
knowledge of animals, crops and other practices prevalent among the
Ladakhis. When one thinks of buying an animal he seeks for opinion of
the expert, Likewise the opinion in regard to the matters connected with
crops is sought from the crop expert. Lately the opinion of educated elites

MECHANISM OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTROl.

131

is taken in matters with which they are believed to be conversant. The
latter pertain to non-traditional cultural milieu of the JLadakhis. For
instance, when someone is keen to send his son or daughter for higher
education, he/she would consult the most educated person in the village.
This is to seek his opinion and advice. Similarly a person who has toured
outside Ladakh would often be consulted by one who is planning to visit
places beyond Ladakh. The opinion leaders are meant for consultation
alone and they do not enjoy any authority. Whether one consults them
or not is all voluntary. People approach them for their expert background
and experience. There is no element of obligation in such an interaction.

Village council and wider politics

There is reported a relationship between village council, monastic
organisation and the wider political parties, including those of national
character. The former two are interconnected from long past and con¬
tinue to beau an intimate relationship. Now Spituk council has three
Members. One of these is Lob-Zang, a Lama who is the manager of
Gompa. His say in secular matters is as important as in the monastic
affairs. But the relationship with wider political parties developed lately.
Prior to Indian independence such relationship was non-existent. In
rigorous form the influence of wider politics on the traditional pattern of
socio-political control came only after 1962 when Kushok Bakula, the
head of Spituk monastery, got involved in national politics. Some
informants have stated that during the election campaign for Parliamen¬
tary seat, Kushok Bakula got advantage of his superior religious stature.
The village council under his religious jurisdiction decided to take stern
action against those who planned to oppose Kushok. The Gobas and
Members took special note of those who were opposing the Kushok. It
was declared that anyone against Kushok would be denied of the Lama
services and community cooperation. At the same time the supporters
of Kushok would not allow the opponents entry in their houses, severing
thereby their commensal and connubial relations. Under such socio-
religious conditions, the Ladakhis did not, initially, dare to show any
opposition to Kushok Bakula’s election. A big army of Lamas, having
hold on the Ladakhis, also got into political operation. The Lamas
involvement in political activity was in addition to their religious role.
Likewise the interplay of religion, society, and politics was marked during
elections of State Legislative Assembly when there was contest between
Kushok Thiksay and Sonam Wangyal. Even when National Congress
(the Congress of Nehru as the Ladakhis call it) in Ladakh got divided, in
1969, into Congress ‘A’ and Congress ‘B’, these were respectively directed
by Kushok Bakula and Kushok Thiksay, the two religious heads of two
different monasteries.

The Ladakhis continue to give importance to Goba and the Members.
For most of the matters they are the first to be approached, and are recog-

132

THE LADAKHI

nised as the leaders and the spokesmen. But at the same time the superio¬
rity of certain other persons is also accepted. For instance, Kushok’s
position is supreme in spiritual matters. But under the changing leader¬
ship pattern, more under the influence of outside politics, the spiritual
heads imported recognition as secular heads. In this respect the position
is all the more important in Spituk and Thiksay. Since 1953, Kushok
Bakula (the head of Spituk monastery) has been the chief political leader.
He has to represnt Ladakh in all matters. Belonging to Congress ‘A’
party of Ladakh, he is now a Member of Parliament. For many years
he was the member of State Assembly. Although Kushok Bakula now
mostly stays in Delhi, he continues to head Spituk Gompa and is a spiritual
leader of the Ladakhis. The Ladakhis eagerly wait for his arrival in
Spituk and accord him a big welcome for his being their spiritual as well
as the secular leader.

The extension of traditional leadership again appeared when Sonam
Wangyai got elected to State Assembly and latter joined as a Minister.
Sonam Wangyai also belongs to Congress ‘A’. The Congress party has
become very popular at village level. So much so that the Ladakhis con¬
tact the Executive Body of Congress, in Leh, when they fail to decide
matters at village level. Decisions, under such circumstances, are sought
from the members of Executive Body of Congress. The Goba and the
members do not mind the approach. The growing politicisation has
sharply reacted to some other areas of Ladakhi social organisation. With
the division of villagers into Congress ‘A’ and Congress ‘B’ groups, there
appeared recognition of Phasphun groups. When two families out of,
say, five in a Phasphun group, decided to support Congress ‘A’, and the
rest Congress ‘B’, there was disintegration in the group. Subsequently
the separated families joined Phasphun groups of their respective political
interest. Such an impact could be more prominent in Thiksay where
recognition of Phasphun groups was remarkable. Forgetting of their
long links and association, the Phasphun members deserted the traditional
groups. Those supporting Congress ‘A’ preferred to be Phasphuns of
those supporting this section only. Likewise, the supporters of Congress
‘B’ got themselves united. Many of the Ladakhis were even forced to do
so by the local leadership and the concerned Kushok and the Lamas.

In spite of the fact that the men of monastic organisation have been
having a big say in Ladakhi society, some people have, of late, started
showing indifference to them. The latter feeling specially grew out of the
increasing politicization. Some glimpse of disunity among the class of
Lamas is another cause of indifference. To meet political ends the villagers
were instigated by those having vested interests. As a result of the increa¬
sing trends of this kind a party, known as the District National Congress,
was formed in 1962. This was in addition to the National Congress, the
only political party in Ladakh at that time. The District National Con¬
gress was headed by one Tsering Phunchok who fought the election of
Member of Parliament against Kushok Bakula, the then head of National

MECHANISM OF SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTROL

133

Congress and a Kushok of Spituk Gompa. This was the first incidence
when Kushok Bakula faced political opposition. After the defeat of
Tsering Phunchok the District National Congress got a set-back and
ultimately it got dissolved. But at the same time the political conscious¬
ness kept on pricking the Ladakhis. Around 1966 the Kushok (Nanwa
Chanba Stanzin) of Thiksay Gompa, belonging to Yellow sect of Buddhism
came forward with the idea of forming a new political party. Consequently
a party, known as Azad, was formed in the year 1966 itself. Kushok
Thiksay became its organizer as well as head. Azad became another
political party headed by one of the top-ranking religious men, the Kushok
of Thiksay Gompa. Kushok of Thiksay himself fought the election
against Sonam Wangyal, a candidate supported by Kushok Bakula.
Wangyal was not a Kushok, but had full support of Kushok of Spituk
belonging to National Congress. Kushok Bakula, a staunch supporter
of Wangyal, was in better position to mobilise masses for his being Member
of parliament and head of a bigger monastery. As such the Kushok of
Thiksay lost against Wangyal. This defeat led to a shaky position of
Azad party which gradually came to an end. However, the differences
between two Kushoks and their supporters continued to exist. The defeat
of Kushok of Thiksay did not discourage him. In due course he managed
to have a few supporters from National Congress causing infighting in the
party. The discontended group designated itself as Congress ‘B\ The
new party was again headed by the Kushok of Thiksay. The remaining
section of the National Congress came to be known as Congress ‘A’. It
continued to be headed by Kushok Bakula, the leader of undivided
National Congress. This division of National Congress took place in
1967. The informants reported that the majority of Buddhist population
is with Congress ‘A’. But most of the Muslims and some Ladakhis are
supporting Congress ‘B\

To start with, the National Congress was the only party in Ladakh.
For many years it worked smoothly with total consensus of the people.
As per the respondents of Spituk the differences of opinion, in the party
workers, appeared for the first time over the working of Syndicate (A
consumer cooperative shop). The Syndicate management procured
pashmina and other wool, at reasonable rates, from the Ladakhis and
managed to provide them various commodities of daily use. The Lada¬
khis met their daily requirement from Syndicate shop. Suddenly the
Syndicate faced some crisis and a few of the members attributed it to
mismanagement. The management included some prominent members
of Congress ‘A’. The deteriorating condition led to the dissolution of
Syndicate, as also to the bifurcation among the members of National
Congress. Subsequently, some members, other than those in the Syndi¬
cate management, conceived the idea of organising a new political party.
And this was ultimately done. Though Syndicate affair might have been
a reason of disintegration in National Congress, the attraction for politi¬
cal power has its own place in the matter.

134

THE LADAKHI

The bifurcation of National Congress into Congress ‘A’ and Congress
‘B’ proved harmful to the masses. For political ends, some of the vulner¬
able situations were exploited which led to communal disharmony. Efforts
were made to achieve political motive in the name of religion. One of
such incidents led to the strengthening of Congress ‘B’. The respondents
from Sabu narrated the incident as it directly involved a person from that
village. Yaqub (a Muslim) and her sister Leela Chocho were living
together in the same house in Sabu. Both were living comfortably.
Yaqub got married to a Ladakhi girl from Nubra. After this marriage
Yaqub adopted Buddhism and got his name changed from Yaqub to
Chhimat Namgyal. With his Buddhist wife Namgyal continued to stay
in the same house where his sister, with Islamic faith, was also staying.
After his co version to Buddhism Namgyal put Bodh flags (called Tarsho)
on the roof of the house he lived in. Leela Chocho objected to it and
filed a claim in the court of law that the entire property should be in her
name. In the meantime, Namgyal was blessed with a daughter. The
case went on for years and in the meantime Namgyal’s daughter became
young. She was married to Tashi Targis, the President of Congress ‘A’.
Because of his son-in-law being in powerful position, as President of
Congress ‘A’, Namgyal got strength to fight his case against his sister.
Under new conditions Namgyal fixed Tarsho even on the portion of the
house belonging to Leela Chocho, a Muslim. Retaliating to the action
she removed the flags and it gave rise to a big conflict. The incident was
exploited at higher political level of Congress ‘A’ who charged that the
Muslims had insulted the Buddhist religion by removing and destroying
the Tarsho. The attention of the religious men, in position, was also
drawn to this act and issue. Kushok Togdan of Phiang Gompa sent word
to all prominent Ladakhis, through Buddhist Association Leh, that their
flag had been insulted and that they should all assemble in Leh. Within
a few days a large number of Buddhists, from various parts of Ladakh,
gathered in Leh. They organised Dharna and procession in front of
Collector’s office and the market. The Buddhist Association put some
demands, and wanted that they should urgently be met with. One of the
demands was that those who insulted the Buddhist flag should immediately
be turned out of Ladakh. When the demand was not met the
mob took a violent turn and burnt down the Collectorate building. Among
other demands, one was that the Ladakhis should be declared as Scheduled
category. Another demand was that there should be a Ladakhi Minister
in the Jammu and Kashmir Ministry. It was for Wangyal who, then,
happened to be the Member of Legislative Assembly from Congress ‘A’.
The demand was acceeded to and Wangyal prevailed upon the Buddhist
Association to withdraw the agitation. The situation calmed down after
the agitation strategy achieved its political motive, though it led to the
creation of a rift between the Muslim and the Buddhist population. The
old informants stated that this kind of disturbance, on communal basis,
had never happened before in Ladakh. Becuase of a special kind of

MECHANISM OF SOCiO- POLITICAL CONTROL

135

manipulation; the incident took place in spite of the fact that the Ladakhis,
being Buddhists, primarily believe in nonviolence. They are, by religion,
non-aggressive and tolerant. After this incident, which oceured in June
1969, the Congress ‘B’ got more support from Muslim population who
got convinced that the matter was instigated by the supporters of Con¬
gress ‘A’.

In 1971 Parliamentary election, too, the interested parties worked
under the cover of religion and communal resource. Kushok Bakula was
opposed by Sonam Wangdus. The latter was a member of Leh Congress
Committee and comparatively little known. To start with, Congress ‘B’
put up Wangdus as a covering candidate. But ultimately he was left
alone to contest against Kushok Bakula. Wangdus got a good support
from Muslims of Kargil. Brij Bharadwaj (1971), a Hindustan Times
correspondent, commented that though both candidates are Buddhists,
religion is playing no less role in electioneering as Wangdus has been
adopted by the people of Kargil where the number of Muslim electorate
is about 23,000 out of a total of 27,000; while out of the total electorate
of 25,000 in Leh Tehsil the number of Buddhists is about 22,000. Tension
among Buddhists and Muslims in Leh and stoning of mosque are some
issues which are being fully exploited by supporters of Wangdus who is
depicted as saviour of mosque even though he is a Buddhist. The division
between the two factions of the ruling party which began in 1965, was
temporarily patched up early this year following the efforts of State party
leaders. But these differences erupted again when Kushok Bakula was
given the party mandate for Parliament. The two factions known as the
Congress ‘A’ and Congress ‘B’, respectively draw their support from
different areas. While the Congress ‘A’ which is supporting Kushok
Bakula, is popular in Leh Tehsil, where Buddhists dominate; the Congress
‘B’ is popular in Kargil Tehsil where Shia Muslims are in a majority.
Both factions also enjoy marginal support of the other communities,
but the division between the two factions is largely on communal lines.
Kushok Bakula a.gain retained the parliamentary seat by defeating his
lone rival, Sonam Wangdus. The remark given by Brij Bbardwaj of
the Hindustan Times may be quoted in the context of this victory. The
statement given by him, however, seems to be applicable only in a specific
situation and for a short span. In the words of Bhardwaj, ‘if one exa¬
mines the polling pattern, it will be apparent that Ladakh district, which
earlier could be hailed as an example of religious amity and friendly
relations among different communities, has lost the distinction and has
become a hot-bed of communal intrigues. For instance, when the votes
at Kargil and Nurba were counted, Mr. Bakula was trailing behind by
over 8,000 votes. These two areas are predominantly Muslim populated.
When the counting was done at Leh and Zanskar, Mr. Bakula not only
made up the deficit but also secured a winning margin. The bigger margin
was possible because polling at Kargil, which is a predominantly Shia
Muslim area, was 65 per cent against over 87 per cent in Leh Tehsil,

136

THE LADAKHI

inhabited by Buddhist supporters of Mr. Bakula. The issues in the
elections were not economic grievances or political but communal. The
main political weapon used against Mr. Bakula by his opponent’s was
his role during the Buddhist agitation in Leh last year. They blamed him
for the alleged stoning of a mosque in Leh during the agitation. Against
this Mr. Sanam Wangdus, though a Buddhist, was hailed as saviour of the
mosque’.

Religious Attributes

The life and culture of Ladakhis is strongly religion-ridden. Religion
is a dominant force and its manifestations are apparent in all the major
aspects of Ladakhi social structure. It has been observed that the ele¬
ments of religion provide incentive to the people to maintain status-quo
in terms of traditional life. The religious contents, people believe, provide
them security under the more difficult conditions. The religion in Ladakh
cannot be discussed in isolation of social organisation, economic struc¬
ture and political network. People remain highly obliged to religious
men, and they favourably respond to the call of such people. What
Moorcroft (1837) observed continues to hold true. He observed that
Lamaism seems to be the dictator of their destinies, and the words of a
Lama, however, inconsistent and unbelievable they may be to a man of
common sense, are nevertheless law for him. People are under the sway
of Lamas who act as their guides, advisers and liberators from sufferings.
Anything concerning Gompas (solitary place or heritage), Kushoks,
Lamas, Chomos and other associated religious men in hierarchy is uni¬
formly respected. The social organisational set-up is so designed that
the religious elements are difficult to be overlooked. So much so that
a large number of families spare at least one member each to join the
brotherhood of priests. Normally the youngest child from family is
spared for the purpose. The person, so spared, devotes his life to religion
and leads the life of celibacy. In some form or the other the religion
helps meet the requirements of people. There is a great deal of inter¬
dependence between the people of secular and sacred hierarchies. The
Gompa, with its force of religious-men, survives on the village society and
vice-versa. For a disease, not easily cured through worship, the Kushok
is consulted. After making his religious calculations the Kushok directs
the needy to contact a particular Amchi or Lharje. The latter may or
may not be a religious man. The Amchi, with the blessings of Kushok,
treats the person. Many a times, the Kushok himself suggests for white¬
washing of Chotten to get rid off the disease.

Of how much significance the religion is to a Ladakhi is again Shown
by the religious institutions and places. Such existence is reported at
family, village and regional levels. Almost every family has its own
Chotkang, the family worship room. To be more accurate, it may be
stated that out of 300 families, 234 have their Chotkangs. At village

138

Tttfc LADAKHI

level there is either a Vihara (a small form of Gompa) or Gompa where
large scale worship is arranged. With this is attached the force of religious
persons. A few villages, having small Viharas, then together recognise
a Gompa as belonging to them. This is how the Ladakhis are linked to
wider religious organizations and institutions. It may be mentioned
that in addition to numerous Viharas there are thirtyfive Gompas in
Ladakh. These include Hemis, Chemrey, Anle, Takthak, Thiksey, Sta-
kmo, Deskit, Spituk, Sabu, Tok, Lekir, Karsha, Rangdum, Stongsdey,
Lingshet, Stakna, Bardan, Zongkhal, Sgangnon, Lamayu.ru, Shachukul,
Shang, Mat ho, Lhangna, Chumir, Rizong, Samtanling, Nyoma, Shey,
Bazgo, Alchi, Mangyu, Sumia, Chikatan and Lingshet. Sixteen of
these are more popular and the rest fall within their purivew. They belong
either to Red or the Yellow sect of Ladakhi Buddhism. The monastic
institutions are in possession of large tracts of fertile land, depriving many
others of land ownership. But still people have regard for Gompas
and never consider them as centres of exploitation. This is because
of their deep religious sentiments. As position of Lama is not heredi-
ditary, and as anybody can opt to become Lama, the monastic posses¬
sions are not at all envied. The bigger monasteries maintain library of
religious books. They also house religious paintings, images of gods and
goddesses and other objects of worship. There are scrolls which adorn
the walls. The monastery has numerous rooms for Lamas and storage
purpose. The Gompas are perched on high cliffs and their buildings
look quite impressive. The Ladakhi art on metal, clay and cloth is
well depicted in the Gompas. Prayer and worship hall is one of the
important places in monastery. The sketches, portraits and statues of
Lord Buddha and his disciples are arranged in this hall. In addition there
are images drawn on walls and cloth. An open yard, within Gompa
campus, is an important place in each monastery. It is surrounded by
buildings with projecting balconies. In this open yard the Lamas arrange
dances and plays. The spectators are also accommodated in the same
space. A large number of windows provide light and majestic appearance
to the monastery. In a monastery the space for various category of
Lamas are defined. The Kushok stays in a room at the top, adjacent to
the prayer hall. At slightly lower elevation to Kushok’ s room are the
rooms of other senior Lamas. At the lowest elevation of Gompa campus
are the rooms meant for beginner Lamas. Why the Gompas are built
at higher elevation has its own background. Religious performances
being most important in Ladakhi life are not to be disturbed by any noise.
At the same time their sacred identity is also to be maintained. The
Ladakhis are of the opinion that these two requirements are easily met
by having monastery at higher elevation.

Gompa is a big repository of cultural heritage of the Bhotos. Their
art is depicted through multicoloured paintings, representing designs of
various kinds including human figures, animals, temples, flowers etc.
Numerous designs with lines, circles and dots can also be marked. Like-

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

139

wise the plastic and graphic arts, found in Buddhist monasteries, are of
a high order. Sculpture and engraving works on stone, metal and baked
clay speak of their high standard of art. These art pieces are nicely
designed and arranged. The Ladakhi tables and wooden pillars are also
engraved. Dancing costumes, masks and dramatic performances are
rare preservation of art. There are various kinds of musical instruments
kept in Gompa. The common Ladakhis are of the opinion that in the
absence of monasteires a great dead of their cultural heritage would be
lost. The famous religious pla*ys, depicting various aspects of Ladakhi
culturer, are organized by the Gompa people. The cultural transmission
among Ladakhis is, to a great extent, done through the religious men and
the religious institutions. A big display of music, dance, drama and
mystery plays is done in the Gompas as part of celebration of Gompa
festivals. How much faith Ladakhis have in religion can be assessed
from Gompa festivals. I participated in the annual fair of Hem is Gompa
and found that thousands of Ladakhis, men, women and children, had
come for worship, as also to observe the cultural heritage. The devil
dances were arranged and the same were meaningful to the Ladakhis.
Demonology and Lamaism are found prevalent. In addition to Chotkang
and Gompa, there are Chortens and Manes, the popular religious struc¬
tures. On some of the rocks one can observe gigantic figures of god
or goddess. Likewise there are Gonchungs found in large number of
v<lla.ges. Gonchungs is a small form of monastery consisting of only
one room. It is headed by a Lama or two. They are governed by the
rules of bigger monastery in near vicinity.

There is a great deal of reciprocity between the religious organisations
(Gompa and its men) and the village community. Many a times the
relationship involves obligation. Neither the community nor the monas¬
tic organisation treat their role as burden. Gompa people preach religion
to the Ladakhis. The preachings also help them to be honest and non¬
violent. They perform various kinds of worship which are believed to
provide protection to the people. The big hall of Gompa is also used
for the purpose. Ladakhi life is worship-ridden, and it is through worship
that they seek solution to most of their problems. Thirdly, the Gompa
men direct the commoners to observe better principles and to uphold
good deeds in life. The Kushok would forecast the ill-luck and other
undesirable events. The villagers take care of the same through the
prescribed worship. The feeling that the Ladakhis thrive well under the
blessings of religious men creates necessity of worship. Blessings are
offered through worship. In secular aspects too the role is no less impor¬
tant. On many occasions Chang-jot is taken help of for seeking decisions.
His words have sufficient say and are respected. Then the Gompa ins¬
titution gives loans, in cash and kind, to the Ladakhis. Any villager
can borrow grain, Sattu, money, wood etc., from Gompa. In addtion
the religious men form a strong medium of cultural transmission. The
sacred trees are declared by the Lamas, and the same are not to be cut.

140

THE LADAKHI

They are protected against damage by the animals. The safety of such
trees is believed to be helpful to the human beings and the animals. Like¬
wise the site for house construction is approved by the Lama who, after
consulting the sacred book, approves or disapproves of the site. He
tells whether the site, proposed to be chosen for house construction, is
free of evil spirits or not. In case of a death the Lama decides the number
of days for which the dead body is to be retained in the house.

In response to what Gompa and its men do for the community, the
villagers offer free service in various forms. For any new construction
in Gompa campus, or one made in the name of Gompa, the villagers help
outrightly. They provide wood, brick and labour. The religious hierar¬
chy need not bother about men and material which are all available free.
Similarly the agriculture fields, belonging to Gompa, are looked after,
for all purpose, by the villagers . Those engaged in this task get free
meals for the day. In case the Gompa land has been rented out to some
villagers, a part of the produce goes to the rea.1 cultivator. The rest goes
to Gompa. Featherstone has also stated that the Lamas are generally
dependent on the population for contributions, thus laying a heavy burden
on the people. These gifts are frequently in kind — butter, salt, meat and
livestock— this being much preferred to moeny. During the harvesting
season, Lamas are told to go round and collect grant for their monas¬
teries. Then the Lamas manufacture images and charms which are
sold at a good profit and large fees are charged by them for supplying
horoscopes for marriages and many other occasions. On the occasion
or every worship, as also otherwise, when Lamas happen to visit any
family, they are offered food and Gur Gur. Whenever required the
labour force is supplied by the villagers to work for Gompa. They may
be engaged in carrying water, fuel or any other thing to Gompa. Some-
help from non-Lamas is always sought in Gompa kitchen. The Goba
deputes, by rotation, the villagers to work in Gompa kitchen. Those,
in Spituk, who cannot spare a man from family depute Tsering Dorje for
the purpose. Durje is a landless labourer and stays near Gompa. One
engaging Dorje has to give 4 Khal of wheat for the term. In addition,
Dorje gets meals from Gompa.

Although the religion continues to dominate Ladakhi way of life,
and the people largely depending upon it, some have expressed that a few
of the religious persons have lately started drifting from their ideal norms
and positions. According to these the trend now is from Chomo to
Porno. Chomo is the nun, a religious female, and Porno refers to a
married female and house-wife their point of stress is that the Chomos,
who are to lead a life of celibacy, have also started marrying. There are
a few factors in support of Lamas and Chomos deviation from the life of
celibacy. Economic reason is one of them. Because of the increased
opportunities for employment and labour job some of the religious men
and women feel that they can be self-supporting. They can survive
without depending upon Gompa., Under such condition they feel like

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

141

marrying and having family life. Economic compulsion as a factor to
promote Lamahood and Chomohood, is less strong under the changing
conditions. Simultaneously the attraction for worldly life has increased,
more so for fancy goods lately popularised in Ladakh. The greed of
married life is towards rise among the religious persons; a trend tradi¬
tionally not approved for them. Sometimes the condition of celibacy
bears hard on the religious persons. For increasing sexual desires some
of them decide to give up the religious life. The trend has given a setback
to the position of religious persons. All put together the religious circle
is getting shaky. Occasional conflict among Lamas is adding fuel to the
fire.

Religion in Ladakh

Gannhars (1956) have reported that the later-day Buddhism, with its
art and cultural traditions, did pass from Kashmir to China and Tibet;
and it happened through Ladakh only. Fa Hien (400 A. D.) also reported
of some Buddha relics. Cunningham supported this view-point while
mentioning that one of these relics (the alms-bowl) still exists in a temple
to the north of Le (Leh). The holy tooth, another relic, was believed to
be carried away by Ali Sher when the Musalmans from west plundered
Ladakh. The Chinese pilgrim also made mention of revolving prayer
cylinder and the monks in Ladakh. Still some controversy remains about
the introduction of Buddhism in Ladakh. According to Cunningham
it was introduced in the time of Ashoka. Gannhars have, however, not
agreed with it and they are of the opinion that “Buddhism had found
its way into Ladakh and the adjoining areas before the time of the great
Indian Emperor. We have seen how Buddhism was one of the living
faiths in the valley in the time of Surrend.ra. One of the Yiharas which
the first Buddhist ruler of Kashmir erected was at Saurasa (present day
Suru) beyond the Zojila. Obviously Buddhism must either have been
prevalent in the territory or was introduced into it in the time of Surrendra,
to make him found a monastery there. Later, in Ashoka’s time when
Buddhism spread widely in Kashmir and other territories, it is only
reasonable to assume that monks in greater numbers crossed into Ladakh
and Gilgit from Kashmir and Gandhara to spread the faith more exten¬
sively” (Gannhar 1956:175).

Buddhism of Ladakh is a mixture of Bon, the old religion of Tibet,
Tantrism and Mahayama. Some have also referred Lamaism as the
religion of Ladakhi s. The chief concept of their divinity is defined under
three, dimensions, that is, Gautama Buddha (Sangyas), religious principles
inculcated by Buddha (Chhos Kon chok) and the Lamas following these
principles (Gendun Kon chok). Demonology and idolatry are the other
traits found in the religion among Ladakhis are believed to be the out¬
come of Bon or Pon religion. The prevalence of mystic doctrines is
still marked. Although Buddhism is now the prevailing faith, the Lada-

142

THE LADAKHI

khis still worship and make offerings to some old divinities, such as gods
of hills, fields, tree, water etc. The accounts of evil spirits and traces
of sacrifice are also found among the Bhotos. There is grea.t deal of
Tantrism, the activities. Under Tantric Buddhism the techniques,
defined, are used for utilizing good and evil things. Power is gained by
the manipulation of good and evil forces. Some take Tantrism as deca¬
dent form of Buddhism, and it has been so owing more to ancient Bon
religion of Tibet, and also shamanism and animism. The Tibetan
Buddhism (Lamaism) which has largely influenced Ladakhi Buddhism is,
as stated by Sven Hedin (1910), only a corrupt form of Buddhism, and
under an outward varnish of Buddhistic symbolism has incorporated a
number of Sivaistic elements and has also retained the superstitions which
in pre-Buddhistic times found expression in wild Tantrical devil dances,
rites and sacrifices. The object of these ceremonies was to exercise,
banish and propitiate the powerful demons which reign every where, in the
air, on the earth and in water and whose only function is to plague, tor¬
ture and persecute the children of men. In spite of the principle, “not
to kill”, the monks eat meat and make use of goat’s blood in certain
religious rites. Lamaism has absorbed many of the traits of Bon religion.

Among the offerings made to the gods and goddesses, the important
ones are bowls full of water, grain, butter incense and lighted wicks.
Normally the bowls are placed in two rows. Another common offering
is a figure made out of butter and dough. It is at times mixed with red
pigment. While pointing on such figures John Blofeld (1970) has again
shown connection with Bon practices. He has stated that these figures
are shaped in different ways for different categories of deities, each shape
having its esoteric significance. Tormas (these figures) are probably
among the externals which Tibetan Buddhism inherited from the ancient
Bon religion.

Besides Buddhism, with traces of other religions, some of the Ladakhis
have adopted Islamic and Christian faiths. Many Ladakhi girls have
married Muslims and consequently embraced Islam. Because of the
efforts of Moravian Christian missionaries, some Ladakhis have become
Christians. Change of religion, for a Ladakhi, is nothing serious and
they do not take much time to do that. There is no serious community
reaction to change of religion. Sometimes two real brothers and their
families, with different religious background, are found living in the same
house. That way the Buddhists have all along been tolerant.

It may be mentioned that Captain Featherstone (1926) spoke of the
Lamaism as dominant religious faith in Ladakh. According to Feather-
stone the Lamaism of Western Tibet extended beyond. Lama is a
Tibetan word meaning “superior one”, its use was formally restricted
to the head of the Lamasery, and strictly speaking, it is applicable only to
abbots and the highest monks, though out of courtsey it is now used for
almost all monks and priests. In Ladakh, they have power and influence
in every possible phase and walk of life with the result that it is the most

kELIGlOUS ATTRIBUTES

i43

priest-ridden place in the world. The Lamas are good natured men.
Their education consists in committing to memory the sacred word, and
prayers of Buddha, which are in many cases unintelligible to themselves.
Before Lamaism, two earlier religions flourished in Ladakh — Bonchos
and Buddhism — many features of both of these being embodied in the
present day Lamaism. The Bon religion dates from time immemorial in
Tibet and the neighbouring territory, and is described by Waddell as
“animistic”, devil dancing, or shamanist,. It flourished in Western Tibet
from the earliest times down to 1300 A.D., when it practically died out,
though much of its ritual and demonology was absorbed by Buddhism and
later by Lamaism. Buddhism was introduced into Western Tibet as
early as 200 B.C. Besides the introduction of Buddhism from India
by the Mons tribe, it was also brought from the West by the tribe of Dards
from Gilgit. The inhabitants being mostly nomads it became essential
to provide centres of Buddhist teaching by founding monasteries. More
colonists came, and around these religious settlements, villages sprang
up. Towards the beginning of eleventh century, the religion known as
Lamaism had come from Central Tibet and was favoured by a line of
kings of Ladakh, who did everything to promote it.

Religious sects

In Ladakh there are two distinct religious sects; one is known as Red
and the other as Yellow. Some of the monasteries belong to Red and
others to the Yellow sect. In the initial stage there were no such divi¬
sions in the religion of Ladakhis. These developed later on. Nyimapa
was the earliest sect and its religious men wore red dresses. Gelukpa
(the virtuous) sect was originated around the middle of 14th century by
Tsongkhapa, and its religious persons wear yellow dresses. The disci-
plies of Tsongkhapa are known as Yellow Hats. They distinguished from
the Red Hats of the past. The background of its formation is provided
by certain principles and their nature of observance. The feeling of
inferiority or superiority between the followers of two sects is not marked
apparently, though some people hold the superiority of one over the other.
It has further been reported that Yellow sect Lamas represent Henayana
or little vehicle while the Red sect Lamas represent Mahayana or great
vehicle. Henayana and Mahayana are the two subdivisions in Buddhism.

It has been reported that the religious persons of Yellow sect take more
care of the religious prohibitions and sanctions. Some laxity is reported
in case of those who follow Red sect. For instance the carriers of Red
sect can, at times, even marry and are allowed to drink Chang. The same
are, however, forbidden for Yellow sect priests. People explain that the
Red sect preaches that the world is an illusion. It also speaks for equality.
The Yellow sect demands doing good to all. It also recommends for
equality. Featherstone writes that to introduce his sect in Western

144

ftffe LADAKHI

Tibet, Tsongkhapa, sent an embassy about 1400 A.D. The two ascetics
went to Leh. The king gave command: At today’s council, whoever
attends, be it ascetic or a low caste man, Bheda, Mon, or shoemaker, he
should not be refused admittance. The two ascetics made over the
present to the king who was delighted with it. This made the king build
several more monasteries; these followed the new doctrine, in consequ¬
ence of which many existing monasteries exchanged the old doctrine for
the new. Tsongkhapa’s sect eventually became the established church
of Lamaism.

Though there is some difference in the principles observed by the
followers of two sects, they do not maintain distance among themselves.
The Lamas of the two sects meet each other and participate together in
certain major worships. They can go to each other’s monastery and
perform worship. Even Kushoks can participate in such performances.
On some occasion, the Lamas from different monasteries (belonging to
Red as well as Yellow sect) gather in one Gompa to recite the sacred text
of Kanjur (Shah-Hger) and Tanjur (Stan-Hgyur). The former consists
of about 108 volumes and the latter of 225 volumes. The philosophical
teachings of the two are also not different. The Lamas of the two sects
are compromising. But if there is some instigation the difference flare
up. For instance a serious conflict arose after provocation of trainee
Lamas by some non-religious and religious elements. It happened in
Buddhist School of Philosophy, Leh, where the trainee Lamas from Red
and Yellow sects came to a clash. The incident created ill-will. The
training in Buddhist philosophy was started in Leh school after 1959 when
Tibet borders were sealed. In 1968-69, the students from two sects
clashed and resorted to beating of each other. So much so that separate
prayers had to be arranged for the members of each sect. The trainees
of one sect refused to learn from a teacher belonging to other sect. Efforts
were then made for reconciliation. The tension minimised but the rela¬
tions could not be revived to original cordiality.

That the Red sect gives more freedom to its Lamas could, be made
clear by the people of Kuyul. The narration relates to a Lama, incharge
of Kuyul Vihara. Nawang Pulzor, a Lama, is the present incharge of
Kuyul Vihara. He hails from Henley where his father Tashi Palla lives.
Out of four children of Tashi Palla, Pulzor opted to become Lama. He
was the youngest of all and became Lama at the age of twenty. Nawang,
Drotten, his master, made him Lama and gave him religious training
(including reading, writing and dramatics) for about 12 years in Henley
Gompa. Later on he was made incharge of Kuyul Vihara. But soon
after he got married. His position of priest and incharge of Vih?ra
remained undisturbed. The Red sect contained him in Lamasery. The
villagers continue to pay him the same respect though he got married.
He continues to perform all sorts of worship. Pulzor has been granted
cultivable land, worth six Batti, by Henley Gompa. He is now 40 years
old and functions as a Red sect Lama, though having a wife, one year

religious attributes

145

old son and six year old daughter. Pulzor has lately decided to form
one of his sons as Lama.

For the religious persons of Yellow-robed sect there are compara¬
tively more inhibitions. They, under the force of religion, are required
to observe abstinence from sex. The Lamas of this sect would not commit
adultery and are not supposed to indulge in killing, stealing, drinking
and smoking. No animal would ever be slaughtered by these Lamas.
They would not eat meat in Gompa campus. To keep up feeling of
equality is another important feature of the men of this sect. While in
Gompa the Lamas eat one meal a day. A large part of their time is
spent in meditation.

Religious beliefs and worship

In the religion-dominated community of the Ladakhis there is a strong
religious belief system. Some elements of the latter confine to the reli¬
gious dimensions alone. There are others having implications in non¬
religious arena. In this context the cylindrical prayer wheel of the Lada¬
khis carries lot of importance. There are few forms of this prayer wheel.
One is rotated while holding in the hand. And the Ladakhis are seen
rotating it more often. They do so even while walking, or talking to
some one. There are other wheels which are fixed in the walls, especi¬
ally in Gompa campus. A passer-by rotates them with the pressure of
hands. There are still others, the bigger ones, being operated by the
force of flow of water. These prayer wheels are fixed near the water
channels. The wheels contain sacred literature, especially the Mantra
“Om Mane Padame Hum”, written on the papers. This coiled sacred
literature rotates with the motion of the wheel. A broadly accepted
belief is that more one rotates the wheel, the more religious merit be/she
gets. Every rotation is equated to the uttering of sacred Mantras con¬
tained inside the wheel. The religious merit would be more when the
rotation frequency is more. Rotating the prayer wheel is also believed
to help remove sins.

Belief in achieving religious merit is again expressed through Chor-
tens and Manes, the two religious structures. A Chorten is pagoda¬
like structure and is constructed to hide the ashes — remain of the cremated
person. After the dead body of a superior or good man is cremated, its
remains are mixed with clay. Small models are carved out of this paste.
These are, at times, stamped with a Buddha image. They are then placed
inside the Chorten and the structure is raised over it. Some people throw
the ashes— remains in rivers or on the top of hills. Sometimes the sacred
literature left behind by the dead person is also kept in the Chorten.
The formation of Chortens is towards decline People do not find time
to do it. It is now built only in case of a few superior persons. Some
of the old Chortens are in a dilapidated condition. Some rich men may
build a Chorten even when there is no death in his house. This may be

146

THE LADAKHI

done on the advice of Lama. These structures are, by and large, kept in
good condition, nicely plastered with clay or at times whitewashed and
coloured. The Chortens vary in size, though the shape almost remains
uniform. Kagani is a kind of Chorten raised above the ground and
supported on two sidewalls. It contains some clay figures. Some of
the precious things are kept inside Kagani. While passing under it the
villagers touch Kagani with their heads to achieve religious merit. The
villagers, and not the Lamas, prepare Kagani. The latter is not built
after the death of anyone. The Manes are long and massive stone walls.
One would come across Manes while approaching a village. These are
also located anywhere on the way, or even within the village boundaries.
There is a great variation in the size of the Manes. In height it may be
from 4 to 6 feet ; in width from 5 to 10 feet, and in length from a few yards
to a few furlongs. On many of the stones, forming Mane, are the engra¬
vings and inscriptions of sacred hymns. More popular of these are
“Om Mane Padme Hum” and “Om Vajra Pani Hum”. On some of the
stones are made ima.ges of Buddha and other gods and. goddesses.

“Om Mane Padme Hum” is the most common religious Mantra
found on the stones of Mane. The repetition of this Mantra is common
among the Ladakhis. In spite of so much popularity of the hymn, most
of the Ladakhis are not in a position to explain the exact meaning invol¬
ved. However, what Tyndale Biscoe (1971) explains holds true at wider
level. Accordingly the Mantra means “O God of the jewel on the Lotus”,
or as it has been interpreted to me: “May my soul, O God, be like the
jewel of water which lies on the lips of the lotus leaf just as it is going to
fall into the lake and be lost in the ocean of water (/.£., be lost in Nirvana).”
In case of Mane the religious merit goes to those who put stones on it,
as also to those who keep it towards right while passing by its side. Cap¬
tain Featherstone (1926) has also stated that many of the Ladakhis trans¬
late Om Mani Padmi Hong as addressed to Buddha, thus “Oh thou who
dwellest in the lotus leaf” or “O jewel in the lotus, thus may he be, Amen.”
When Featherstone visited Ladakh, the Manes were still more popular.
While writing on them, he has stated that at the ends of a Mane wall there
are frequent structures called Chortens, though at times the latter are seen
quite above. They are built on a large square pedestal, which is surmoun¬
ted by whitewashed stones. On the top is generally a small wooden globe
supported by a pole, varying in size. Just in the outskirts of Leh.; on way
to Hemis, is a very big Mane. Featherstone described it as the longest
Mane, with a Chorten at each end. It was built by Deldon, a king who
reigned between 1620 and 1640. The religious belief in regard to Chor¬
tens and Manes is again more or less akin to one explained in the con¬
text of cylindrical prayer wheel. Whenever the Ladakhis come across a
Chorten or Mane, they would always pass by its side while keeping the
structure towards right side, even if they have to cover more distance.
Many of them would even take a few rounds of it if they are not in hurry.
So doing would not only remind them of the religion but also would help

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

147

them achieve more religious merit. One round of the structure is believed
to repeat the sacred Mantra as many times as the Mantra written on the
stones forming the structure. At the same time these structures are
believed to remind of religion to the Ladakhis. Those who do not pay
heed to such structures are, it is believed, bound to be harmed in this as
well as in the later life. In this connection it may be pointed out that
Tundup of Spituk suffered from paralysis after he removed a part of
Mane from in-front of his house. Now aged about 50, Tundup commit¬
ted this act some 13 years back and since then suffering from paralysis.
Later on he got a new Mane made. But it did not help him. It may,
however, be pointed out that Chortens and Manes can be shifted to other
sites after performing Archok worship. After this worship the struc¬
tures can be demolished and made again at the desired site.

It has been reported that out of Chortens and Manes, the former
are older. The origin of Chorten is explained in relation to Buddha. For
his various actions the Chortens were built. We, thus find enlighten¬
ment Chorten, victory heads Chorten, defeating the evil spirit Chorten
and five heads and many heads Chorten. These Chortens were further
built after the dea.th of enlightened people. The kings got the Manes
built in the memory of their fathers. Some criminals, as part of punish¬
ment, helped build Manes. Every Gompa, the chief repository of Lada¬
khi religion, celebrates its annual festival. Thousands of Ladakhis,
irrespective of their sect, came to participate. A common belief is that
the worship on this occasion helps avoid calamity on the people and land
of Ladakh.

The Ladakhis believe in rebirth and the soul, for them, never dies.
When a Kushok dies a search is made for his substitute. Formerly the
task was given to the chief Lama of Lhasa. He found the reincarnate.
The Chief Lama would tell of the direction, place and family where the
Kushok had taken rebirth. The Lamas of the concerned monastery used
to act accordingly and searched the new born. The informants further
expressed that the Chief Lama of Lhasa could tell of certain other identi¬
fication marks. The description of the house and the human beings and
animals thereof could also be given. The Lamas located the place as
well as the infant. A few of the belongings of late Kushok mixed with
some others were then kept before the infant. If the child touched uny
of the articles, belonging to Kushok, it was confirmed that he is reincar¬
nation. Since then, he got the treatment given to a Kushok. The belief
of the Ladakhi, in this context, does not end here itself. If somehow
the rebirth was delayed the Lamas geared up their worship frequency for
early reappearance of Kushok in human form.

One of the ways of achieving religious merit is the counting of beads
of a rosary. All Lamas, and many others, possess such rosaries and keep
on counting the beads, accompanied by the murmuring of “O m Mane
Padme Hum”. The rosaries also speak of Ladakhi religious devotion.
Some Ladakhis can be seen wearing rosary on their wrist and in the neck,

148

THE LADAKHI

Corresponding to the number of Kangur volumes, the beads also number.
108. The more the counting of beads, the more is the religious merit.
John Blofeld (1970) has explained that the number of beads in rosary,
as hundred and eight, is borrowed from ancient India and is said to
correspond to some heavenly bodies of special importance in astrology.
In practice, each set of a hundred and eight repetitions is counted as a
hundred and the remaining eight thrown in for good measure in case some
beads have inadvertently slipped through the devotee’s hand. Rosaries
can be of any suitable substance but more favoured kind are those made
of so called Bodhi seeds. Another religious beief of the JLadakhis is in
regard to the Buddhist flags (Tarchoks), so popularly seen all around.
Such Buddhist flags are always hawing some hymns printed on them. The
flags can specially be noted, waving in large number, on the roofs of the
houses and monasteries, as also on Chortens, Manes and other religious
structures. In fact, Tarchoks form one of the most notable items of
Buddhist in Ladakh. Such flags are generally prepared by the Lamas and
supplied, on demand, to the genera.1 public. The religious men suggest
to install such flags. The flags are square in shape and are fixed, when in
large number, along a thin rope. The flags are installed in normal course
as well as in difficulty when suggested by the religious men. In both the
cases the belief is that installation of flags brings religious merit to those
who instal them. The wind causes waiving of flags alongwith religious
inscriptions on them. Such a waving is believed to add to the religious
merit. The more the waving, the more the religious achievement. In
order that such flags may wave faster they are usually installed at points
comparatively higher in elevation. An added belief is that the attain¬
ment of religious merit helps conquer forces of destruction. Tarchoks
are also installed, in the interest of religion. The belief is that the waving
of flags helps expand the religion. With the wind the Buddhism is likely
to spread to all the worid. Similar to Tarchek is Turchen, an additional
medium to achieve religious merit. Turchen is a structure consisting of
a big wooden pole fixed in front of the house. The pole is wrapped with
multicoloured pieces of cloth printed with sacred hymns. These cloth
pieces wave in the air causing religious merit to those who installed
them. „

The Ladakhis are terribly scared of evil spirits and ghosts. They
have devised various means of protection against them. One of these is
Chan which refers to various kinds of paintings made on the outer sur¬
face of wahs of the house. The paintings are made by the Ladakhis with
striking colours. The front wall of the house is specially preferred for
Chan. Most of the sketches are represented with dotted designs pre¬
pared out of red ochre. Human figures cairying swords are also drawn.
One also finds arimal figures and crossed squares and rectangles. The
paintings are initially made after the house is constructed. They are
redone whenever people find them fading. These paintings are not meant
for decoration but serve as protection against evil spirits. The inmates

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

149

of the house art believed to be protected from c\il spirits after the for¬
mation of Chan.

There are some popular belie fs in legard to the abode of benevolent
and malevolent supernatural. A commonly accepted view is that their
abode is in stones, hillocks, trees and water sources, specially spiings.
Common abode of Lhu (a malevolent spirit) is the spring, though it is also
reported to stay on a tree called Lharchang. The Ladakhis regard this
tree as sacred. In regard to such a tree there are certain considerations.
The tree is to be respected like Mane and Chorten. While passing by
the side of this tree, the Ladakhis keep it towards right, a respectable act.
No branch or any other part of this tree is cut or burnt. Even if this tree
has fallen because of wind or erosion it is not to be cut or taken away.
Its wood is not to be used for any purpose. Rather, the tree is worshi¬
pped. Sabdakh (very small species of lizard) is said to be another abode
of Lhu. It is never killed and instead provided protection. When one
comes across a dead Sabdakh he approaches Lama or Onpo to get the
suspected danger avoided. If need be a worship is arranged for the pur¬
pose. Further, there are some who opine that the supernaturals change
their abode. In this context an interesting case has been cited by the
people of Spituk. How sudden technological change reacted to this aspect
of Ladakhi social structure is revealed in the case. While constructing the
Leh airfield some of the rocks at the back of Spituk Gompa were broken.
This was done to avoid obstruction in the landing and take off of aircrfts.
But to Ladakhis these rocks were the abode of supernaturals. When the
rocks were broken the supernaturals got annoyed and consequently caused
aircrash of Packet plane. This is how the Ladakhis explained the cause
of aircrash. They attributed it to the anger of supernaturals. The
villagers further explained that it was after the breaking of these rocks
th it more and faster winds started blowing. These not only caused
damage to the crops but also created hindrance to the landing and take
off of aircrafts. In the background of such explanations a large scale
worship was organised to appease the supernaturals and to shift their
abode to other convenient rocks. Such religious performance pacified
the supernaturals who gradually calmed down. Lhustor is the main
worship, to appease Lhu and it can help cause smooth shifting from one
place to another. Lamas perform this worship and can control Lhu.

Another incident of similar nature could be reported by the Ladakhis
of Spituk. Looking to the difficulty of drinking water the concerned
officials of the government proposed to deepen the water source (spring)
in Spituk village. They also decided to widen the source so that more
water can be contained in it. As such the work was started on one of
the springs some six years back. Within a few days of the start of work
the persons working on it suffered from skin disease, causing severe it¬
ching and rashing.. The Amchi failed to cure them. When Chanspa
was consulted he gave amulets to the victims to get them cured. Chanspa
told that the disease was caused by Lhu, the spirit living in the spring.

150

THE LADAKHI

The patients gradually recovered but the work could not be completed.
All refused to work. Because of their strong belief in religion the Lada-
khis would not easily participate in any development work where their
gods, godesses and spirits are adversely affected.

Even in normal course every Ladakhi family would arrange for Lhu
worship at least once a year. I attended this worship in the house of
Tsering Phunchok, a Peon in the Buddhist School of Philosophy. He
invited five Lamas for the purpose. A figure of Lhu was curved out of
Sattu and kept in Chotkang where worship was going on. The worship
continued till the afternoon of the same day. After it was over Phunchok
carried, followed by the Lamas operating on flutes, the Lhu figure to
Indus river flowing nearby. After throwing the figure in river water all
of them returned. It is believed that Lhu gets appeased after the organisa¬
tion of this worship. Further the worship ensures protection against
diseases.

Some of the Ladakhis beliefs bear close relationship with the religious
elements and occurrences. As part of their belief system the villagers
explain that eating of meat and drinking of Chang are considered inauspi¬
cious on the worship days, that is, on 8th, 15th and 30th of every Ladakhi
month. Likewise the consumption of these articles is forbidden in the
first month of each Tibetan calender year. Some have even stated that
the food is to be taken on alternate days during this month. Likewise the
eating of fish is taboo on religious ground. One would invite sin while
ignoring the above prohibitions. And to avoid the same the religious
impositions are respected.

The religious beliefs of the Ladakhis are again represented through
the structures of Lhato and Samgo-Namgo. Lhato is a rectangular
structure, closed from three sides. It is made of mud walls, about six
to seven feet high, covered by the projecting roof. The structure is
generally built near a Gompa. Sometimes the structure is seen decorated
with s?,cred flags and yak horns. When a person commits sin he/she, if
so desired, comes to Lhato to seek pardon for the wrong doing. While
seeking pardon the person fixes some sacred flags on the structure. A
broadly accepted belief is that a person’s prayers are communicated to the
main gods and goddesses of Gompa through Lhato. And when a request
reaches Buddha, through Lhato, the person is pardoned. One approaches
Lhato because the worship room of Gompa does not always remain open.
Lhato is, however, approachable all the time. The procedure establishes
the fact that the biggest religious institution of Gompa maintains links
with smaller religious structures. There is no isolation of mini religious
structures from the giant religious structure. The mini structures, so
popular in Ladakhi villages, have their respective importance in the
broader religious framework.

The belief of the Ladakhis in ghosts and spirits further seeks strength
through the recognition and formation of Samgo-Namgo. The details
of Samgo-Namgo have already been given in the earlier narrations.

kELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

151

Samgo-Namgo is formed to keep away the evil spirits and ghosts. As
per Ladakhis belief the ghosts and spirits do not dare to enter into the
house when Samgo-Namgo is there. The inmates of the hon.se, thus,
remain safe. Indirectly it provides protection against diseases which are
caused by the evil spirits and the ghosts. The inmates are specially
protected from Ch.atka, a sudden attack of evil spirit causing sickness.
The worship for Samgo-Namgo is occasionally arranged. Samgo-Namgo
provides a special protection to the livestock. The fixing of goat skull,
as part of structure, hints at the same. It ensures prosperity of animal
wealth. The figure is prepared by Lama or Labba. Some hold the belief
that Samgo-Namgo is useful in begetting children. The explanation is
that in the absence of Samgo-Namgo, the evil spirit may get into the
house and cause abortion, miscarriage etc. Such chances are minimised
after having Samgo-Namgo. And hence better chance for child birth.

In spite of a strong protection mechanism the Ladakhis get adversely
affected by evil spirits and ghosts. And the relief is then sought through
worship. It is widely believed that Lhuchas, a worship, is extremely
helful in the matter. A Lama tells when a person is under the influence
of evil spirit or ghost. Such an influence can also be confirmed by the
Chanspa who usually lives in Chhamskang, a small structure away form
Gompa. While performing Lhuchas a devil figure is prepared. As soon
as the worship is over the devil figure is thrown in river or any other water
source. This, it is believed, removes the influence of evil spirit, especially
of Lhu. For certain diseases the cure is sought through worship. For
instance Chhasum, a worship, is organised to get rid off the eye trouble.
Only one Lama does it for about an hour. Another popular religious
belief is in regard to the paintings suggested by Onpo or Lama, and pre¬
pared by Spon. The Thankas (paintings), including Lhaskal and Skis-
tak, a.re believed to serve definite purpose. The formation of Lhaskal
is believed to ensure better future. Its formation also sounds of difficul¬
ties in future life. Simultaneously are suggested the ways to safely overcome
them. Likewise people believe that Skistak helps in getting a better
rebirth. In order that a person may be reborn in some better category
the formation of Skistak is suggested. The belief in religious paintings
is so widely popular that all the families are found in possession of them.
The Ladakhis make cash payment for their formation.

The worship, known as Yarne, has two important functions. Yarne
is organised every summer in Gompa hall. This worship is of long
duration and continues for month and a half. It starts every morning
and closes in the evening. During this performance the Lamas, as an
imposition, do not move beyond Gompa campus. Primarily the worship
is educative to the Lamas in terms of the details of this important event.
In addition, there is another background, of this worship. The Ladakhis
express that lot of ants and insects come out on the surface in summer
season. If Lamas move out they may kill them under their feet. That
would bring curse to them. To avoid such killing of ants and insects the

152

THE LADAKHI

worship is organised in summer. The Lamas, under the religious pro¬
hibition do rot move out of monastery during the period of worship.
The villagers do not participate in this worship. On this occasion they
are simply engaged for other jobs iike supplying water, fuel and other
articles.

The Lamas as well as the Ladakhis are very scared of sin and they
see that it is not ordinarily committed. Even if it is unintentionally done
they have designed the remedy to seek relief. One of such means is
Shojong, a worship. It is performed on the last day of a Tibetan month.
The worship is exclusively meant for Lamas and they participate in it
collectively. Performance of Shojong grants pardon to Lamas for their
wrongs, doings and sins. Pardon is sought for the wrong deeds. In
addition it helps achieve blessings for future. The worship keeps on
reminding Lama.s for not committing wrong deeds. Another occ asion of
celebration and worship is Losar, the new year day of the Ladakhis.
Losar is observed according to the Tibetan calendar year. It is reported
that the celebration of Losar, in the beginning of February, is done to rem¬
ember Buddha’s victory over the six heresies, the victory of true religion
over infidelity. It also signifies the passing phase of cold weather. The
worship, for two to three days, is done to celebrate the new year. The
Ladakhis, in general, feel that Losar is the best occasion to pay respect
and regard to the senior Lamas, including the Kusbok. And once it is
done in the beginning of the year they may keep it up all the year round..
The junior Lamus offer Khataks to senior Lamas, thereby recognising
their superiority. The villagers, too, offer Khatak to Lamas. And all
the villagers and Lamas offer Khataks to the Kusholc. These rituals are
indication of mutual love and affection. The celebration marks good
luck and prosperity for the coming year. In addition to worship the
villagers and Lamas wear new clothes. Music, dances and horse race
are organised. Chhagjot offers food to the villagers, symbolising them
as their own people whose welfare is to be looked after by them.

Like Samgo-Namgo the Ladakhis believe in amulets which have the
quality of curing disease and extending protection. Prepared by Lamas
the amulets and other sacred wears help keep away the evil influence of
supernatural powers. Chantho is a red-coloured amulet, narrow at one
end and wide at the other. Towards the wide portion are attached
a few small-sized stones or beads. Chantho is specially prepared for
the infants and children who are made to tie it in their neck. Chantho
contains sacred hymns written on small pieces of paper. These are
tightly bundled and kept inside the metal frame of the amulet. The force
of this sacred literature helps give protection to the child. In return of
Chantho the Lama is paid one to two rupees. Sunha is another object
which is believed to provide protection against the evil spirits and the
sickness caused by them. Sunha resembles the sacred thread of the
Hindus and is worn in the neck. For the preparation of Sunha a Lama
is again paid in cash. The amount may vary from one to two rupees.

kELIGIOUS ATfRIfcUTES

1 53

Sunha cures madness and sleeplessness. Chantho and Sunha are worn
by the women to beget children. A woman also wears it prior to her
delivery so that she can get a male child. While preparing Shonga (Sung
Dud), a Lama murmurs some hymns and exhales with force. There
is believed to be power in Lama’s breath. Shonga is another amulet
prepared by the Lamas and used for the same purpose as Chantho and
Sunha. It is also worn in the neck. Kushok too prepare the amulets.
The supernatural background of sickness and cure continues to go strong.
The following table gives an account of the causes of disease.

Table showing the causes of sickness as given by the Ladakhis

SI.

No.

Disease causing
factors

No. of
respondents

Percentage

Supernatural

159

53.00

Physical

10.00

Climatic

22.00

Out of 300 respondents, 45 informed that they do not know the cause
of sickness. Among those who responded the majority stated that the
diseases are largely caused by the supernatural forces followed, in order,
by the climatic and the physical reasons. All the supernaturals are not
responsible for sickness; there are some known for it. The Ladakhis
cannot easily afford to ignore them.

The belief in traditional ways is, at times, so strong that it overpowers
the content of modernity. During the course of my first visit to Spituk
I suddenly heard the sound of gong music coming from one of the houses.
I requested the Cultural Officer, who accompanied me to the village, to
take me to the site of music. We got into the house which belonged to
Ishae Shang, a Ladakhi, who had arranged a worship. One of Ishae’s
sons, an M.B.B.S. doctor, was present in the house. This son worked
as Medical Officer in Jammu and Kashmir Government and was, in those
days, on leave. The doctor entertained me with tea and biscuits. After
talking for some time I requested the doctor to take me to Chotkang,
the family worship room. I set quitely in the room for some time and
expressed my regards for gods and goddesses therein. Later on I was
told that the worship was arranged for Lhu who, after being satisfied,
would help cure the sick person in the house. The doctor himself was
a party to the worship. He did it under the dominance of parents, though
professionally he had different views about the sickness.

The Ladakhis further believe that the worhip of gods and goddesses
on the auspicious days is bound, to give religious merit. This is in addition
to other practices meant for the same purpose. The more the religious

154

flit LADAKHI

merit, the better would be the after-death phase. There are four auspici¬
ous days in a month. These include Chhaspar Gyat or Chhapogad (8th
day), Chishu or Shiju (10th day), Chhaspa Chonga or Seba Chonga
(15th day) and Namgang (30th or last day of the month). Except on
10th da.y, the worshippers keep fast for the whole day and eat food only
in. the late night around twelve o’clock. The Yangnus (worshippers on
fast) do not even talk to others. This is done as part of the religious
observance.

Within the belief-complex of JLadakhis the committing of offence in
life time (especially taking away of a life) reflects adversely on after-death
phase. In order to have smooth sailing after death the Ladakhis go in
for the formation of Chbja or Chhacha. Pieces of unburnt bones are
picked up from the remains of a cremated body. These are powdered
and mixed with white clay paste. Out of this people make small figures,
resmbling Chorten, and keep them in big Chorten. The formation of
such figures helps avoid difficult course.

Chan is one of the most notorious ghosts which the Ladakhis recog¬
nise. To escape from its bad effects the Bhotos raise Chandos. The
latter help keep away Chan. Chandos is a collection of few stones
coloured with red ochre. Formation of Cha.ndos helps satisfy Chan.
Lot of Chandos can be marked around the houses and along the paths.
The formation of Chandos is an individual affair. In regard to Chandos
description the Bhotos state that it never gets an abode and keeps on
moving, riding on a horse back. In looks it resembles a skeleton dressed
in red clothes. It induces fear followed by sickness.

A barren couple is considered unfortunate. The Ladakhis have
devised various ways to beget a child. One of the beliefs is that one may
be blessed with a child after the formation of Shog-pur. An impotent
husband who shivers while visiting his wife cannot perform the sex act
properly. He is given a Shog-pur which is prepared by Labha and Lama.
The latter visit his house for the purpose. Shog-pur formation is done
after the performance of relevant worship. A commonly accepted beleif
is that Shog-pur provides. energy to the impotent man to do the sex act.
Consequently it leads to conception and birth. Shog-pur is made out of
bamboo strips or dry stems. It resembles a human figure. The figure
is made to wear clothes too. Shog-pur is accommodated in Chotkang,
alongwith other gods and goddesses, and is worshipped daily.

, For Ladakhis the religion and rainfall are intimately connected.
According to their belief the worship, termed Chharbeb or Chharbip,
can help in getting rain. The worship further helps in getting more snow¬
fall and more water in the springs. When snow melts the Ladakhis get
water for irrigation of fields. The observance of worship is essential in
the event of water scarcity. The organisation of Chharbip is believed
to appease Lhu, Magzur and Sadak. The latter supernaturals are 'said
to be responsible for water supply. When happy they manage to provide
more. On the other hand the drought conditions would prevail if they

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

155

are annoyed. As part of worship the Lamas throw Chandan Karmar,
Gyacho Bua and Wambo Lagpa (substance that appease the superna-
turals) into the springs.

Lho-stur or Skansol is another worship whose performance protects
Ladakhis from disease. Every family must arrange it atleast once a year
to satisfy the supernaturals including C hamstring, Lamo, Zigzet, Chhos-
gyal, Nezar, Shugdon, Namshe, Gonbo, Zalzi, Khitapa, Gonkar, Thin-
Iese Gyapo etc. Skansol is performed by the Lamas. In case the worship
is not performed the family members are likely to suffer from diseases.
On the occasion of Skansol the villagers participate in food and drinks.
The family god remains satisfied after the organisation of Skansol,

The Ladakhis firmly believe that the blessings of Lamas and Kushok
are essential for a smooth living. And to get blessings the villagers
approach the religious men and offer Khataks to them. The religious
men reciprocate it by a Sundut, a red ribbon. The devotee ties this
Sundut in the neck. One may come across so many people wearing
Sundut. Chhonshung is another form of religious ribbon given by a
superior religious man, Kushok or Dalai Lama. As per the belief of
Ladakhis even the dagger and bullet would not affect a person wearing
Chhonshung. A strong imposition on the man, wearing Chhonshung,
is that he should not Indulge in sexual intercourse. If the taboo, is viola¬
ted the ' Chhonshung would cease to have its force.

Boamskor is yet another worship which has religious as well as
economic dimensions. It is believed that the performance of Boamskor
helps protect the crops when they are about to ripe,. The worship satis¬
fies gods like Chhok Turn Gyamo and Shamur Ma Gyamo who are help¬
ful in the matter. I participated in one of the Boamskor performances
and found its account interesting. One fine morning the male members
of village community reported at Gompa. A senior and a few junior
Lamas took out some sacred literature, the pot his, from Gompa. These
Pothis (religious books) were distributed to the people. Each man was
given two to three Pothis which were carried on back duly wrapped in
cloth. Two of the villagers carried the Photographs and portraits of
Kushok Bakula and Chongappa. They fixed them on the front upper
portion of their body. Later on they all came out of Gompa. The
Lamas worshipped Gyamos by the chanting of hymns. All of them then
loudly shouted in praise of gods and goddesses. The procession was
headed by Dum Dumwala, followed by the Lamas and the villagers
respectively. This procession was taken round the fields, people shouting
in praise of gods and goddesses. Those who carried the portraits and
photographs were interfered, after every little distance, by those villagers
who did not join the procession. This was to greet them and to make
offerings. The offerings, so collected, were finally given to the Lamas.
The processionists made temporary halts in every section of the village.
This was to take rest. The Pothis were kept at one place and the parti¬
cipants ate food and drank Gur Gur, arranged by the sectional heads,

156

THE LAfrAKHi

It is done after the performance of a small scale worship. After this the
participants again marched in the similar fashion covering all the
sections of the village. Finally the procession ended in Gompa where
all the Pothis were deposited. The villagers returned to their homes,
being assured that their crops would not be damaged.

As in case of Mane and Chorten, the changing conditions have again
adversely reacted to some superstitious beliefs of the people. Many
informants have stated that since that start of blasting of hills, for the
purpose of road or building construction, the Ladakh is have experienced
acute scarcity of rains. It happened because the gods connected to
rain got annoyed of blasting as it damaged their place of abode. In rather
disgusted mood many of the informants stated that even the Lamas are
helpless in the matter. The technological advancement coming hard on
their belief system is not at all appreciated by the people.

Gods and goddesses

The Ladakhis recognise and worship various gods and goddesses.
The images of these are chiefly housed in Gompa. Some of these also
find place in Chotkang where daily worship is the requisite. Among the
important gods and goddesses are Chenresi, Chamba, Riksamganbo,
Makzor Gaimo, Chham-Shing, Yul-La, Genbo, Chanlahete. Chenresi
is recognised as the god of the dead. Its image is represented through
a male figure in sitting posture. The image has four arms; two of these are
folded and the rest slightly elevated. Normally the image is found deco¬
rated with metal and stone ornaments. Chamba is another image of god,
more commonly found in Gompa. The figure is of a male but its coun¬
tenance is like a female. Like Chenresi, Chamba too has. a sitting posture
and four arms but not folded. Out of the two upper arms one holds a
rosary and the other flowers. One lower arm, out of the two, is open to
the sky and the left one holds a water jar. Image of Chamba is decorated
with various kinds of ornaments. The extent of decoration is said to
depend upon the conomic position of Gompa. Riksamgonbo is regar¬
ded as the god of hills. He stays on the top of the hill only. The god is
to be worshipped and kept appeased. Riksamgonbo’s abode is symbo¬
lised through a small structure made on the top of the hill. The Ladakhis
recognise this place and express regard for the same. This god helps meet
a specific end in the interest of village community. He serves as buffer
in between the people and the spirits living away from the village. When
kept satisfied Riksamgonbo provides protection against outside spirits.
He does not allow them to cross over the hills. The worship of Riksam¬
gonbo is a collective affairs. Makzor Gaimo is a goddess, more popular
in Spituk. She is believed to live in a stone and is different from hill god.
The goddess, if ignored, makes a person blind and also causes cough and
cold. Any other harm can also be caused. In Spituk the stone in which
Gaimo is believed to live is lying in a water channel. It is a big stone and

Religious attributes

157

is always shown respect by the people. The stone is never hit or broken.
The villagers do not keep their foot on it. Clothes are not washed on
this stone. These are all signs of respect for the goddess. When the prohi¬
bitions are ignored the goddess, it is believed, takes a furious and violent
course and inflicts harm on the people. Gaimo is also believed to stay
on a tree nearby. The tree commands respect as it has been assigned a
sacred status. In addition the villagers have also constructed a Chorten
near the site. New coatings of clay and colours a.re given to it on the
occasion of Losar. Gaimo protects from sickness and adds to production
and prosperity. The goddess is worshipped by arranging Shakspa
Thuichol worship. The worship lasts for a day and the Lamas do it
whenever required. More powerful and dangerous god is Chham-
Shing. Respondents from Spituk have informed that this god stays on
the same hill on which the Spituk Gompa stands. The exact location is
the backyard of the main worship hall. The place is well protected and
marked. A Lama offers daily worship, before sun-set, to this god. The
worship is known as Sturbul. There are some taboos in respect of Chham-
Shing. No Ladakhis should throw light on Chham-Shing after the
sun-set. No one is allowed to throw wader on this god. Anyone dis¬
regarding the prohibitions is bound to be harmed. Calamity may a.lso
strike in the form of epidemic or failure of crops.

Sangyas, Shaka Thubba or Gautam Buddha is the chief god of the
Ladakhis. He, it is expressed, gave rise to Buddhism and so is considered
its origina.tor. Sangyas is all pure and truthful. Guru Rimpoche,
Padmo Sambhava or Lobon Rimpoche is another god believed to be hot-
tempered. The belief is that Sangyas gave him power to crush ghosts
and evil spirits which were troubling him. He can prevail upon Lhu,
Shinde, Magzur etc. It is stated that Rimpoche wrote Pothis suggesting
means to remove the effects of ghosts and evil spirits. Dolma is a god¬
dess believed to be helpful in various matters. She is chiefly responsible
for increasing fertility of women. Dolma helps cause conception. Some
informants even stated that Dolma promotes the cause of wealth, remov¬
ing obstacles from a person’s life. Chukshik Jal is another benevolent
god. Zambala adds to richness and Rangeshal avoids calamity.

Yul-La is the village god and is held responsible for the entire village
community and its economic survival. Lamas worship Yul-La every
month. There is also an annual worship. A stony structure represents
the image of this god and the same may be seen at more than one places
in the village. The structure is usually found decorated with animal horns
and dry bushes. Dry grass, wheat and barley plants form other articles
of offering to Yul-La. Some even stressed that gold, silver and turquoises
are kept beneath the image of Yul-La. An annual worship of Yul-La
is organised by the villagers. Every morning, for about five to seven
days, the Dum Dumwalas go to the place of Yul-La and play music for
sometime. After this is over a man called Lardak, replaces the old offer¬
ings of Yul-La by the new ones. Leafs of Suppa tree are particularly

158

THE LADAKHI

placed on the spot. The Goba, Members and other villagers visit the
place. They all share Chang after the worship is over. If the offerings
of Yul-La are not annually replaced he may get annoyed and harm the
crops, animals and human beings. One of the functions of Yul-La is to
forecast about the crops. A container, half filled with grain, is kept, inside
the Yul-La structure and left there for a few days. If it is found full when
checked next, there would be better crops. This is how the Ladakhi’s
determine it. Shamor Ma Gyamo is Yul-La of. Sabu. This is one god
whose worship is done through sacrifice. Offering of sacrifice is other¬
wise not approved by the Buddhist religion. The practice sound as
survival of old Bon religion of Ladakh. The Ladakhis sacrifice a goat
near the place of Shamor Ma Gyamo. Goba appoints a man for killing
the goat. An important pre-requisite for the man who kills the goat
is that he should be unmarried. Part of the blood is sprinkled on Yul-La.
The rest of it is consumed by the participants. In some cases the man
shivers prior to the killing of goat. The practice is locally termed as La
Ba. The informants added that Zunu Tunglak, a popular god in Zans-
kar, is also worshipped through goat sacrifice. This sacrifice is arranged
on the 8th day of the third Tibetan month. The Ladakhi s assess these
two gods as blood eaters and so are to be offered sacrifice. Sacrifice of
goat is again done for the satisfaction of Rangeshal god and Paldan Lamo
goddess.

Gonbo is a hill god and its appearance resembles a male figure. Some
families keep the. image of Gonbo in their Chhotkang. This is to please
him. The clay figures, as images of Gonbo, are prepared in Leh. Gonto’s
figure is to be annually worshipped. Sacred fla.mes are lighted in front of
Gonbo figure. The latter may be coloured and offered money. Kushok
is stated to add colour, once a year, to Gonbo figure. If Gonbo is not
cared for he may create conditions of calamity. He may reduce snowfall
on the hills causing thereby scarcity of water for irrigation. This may
lead to crop failure. Some of the sick persons are directed to worship
Gonbo to seek relief. Chanlah is a god believed to be moving around.
People remain alert of his presence. Ignoring him would invite trouble
to the person concerned. Chanla.li is more active at night and causes
trouble during that time only. One is more prone to the attack of Chanlah
while alone. Thefeelingof fear spontaneouslydevelops making a person sick.
For safety from Chanlah the villagers form Chandos. Tarchok formation
is an added recommendation. It has been reported that the Ladakhis of
Sakti village offer a goat sacrifice to Chanla,h. The goat is arranged by
rotation. It is an annual affair. It is reported that the Lamas, of late,
persuaded Sakti people to give up the practice of goat sacrifice. The
The advice is yet to take a practical shape.

Lato is a Lha or god. Its image is made in every house and preserved
in Chotkang alongwith some other god and goddesses. A Lato is made
from Agrarbatti, leaf of Changma tree, cloth pieces and some precious
metal. In addition to Chotkang Lato there is common Lato of the village.

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

159

It is located in the hills. Lato worhip provides safety to men, women and
animals in the house. They do not fall sick. Lato formation is believed
to satisfy some of the other gods. He also protects one from evil spirit
especially while in journey. The formation of a Lato is preferably done
by the Kushok who is invited to perform the worship. He is offered
money, Gur Gur, food etc. A Lato formation is to be renewed every
year. And if it is not done one may invite harm. Lato is one of the oldest
gods whose mention has been made by Featherstone (1926) too. He
mentions that among Ladakhis another custom is of building cairns,
called Hlato (Lato) or God’s pla.ce, on the summit of mountain passes.
These are crowned with the horns of wild sheep, ibex and other animals
and in the centre is placed small bough or boughs of a tree on which is
fastened a prayer flag, bearing inscribed thereon a holy text.

It may be mentioned that an integral part of the worship of gods and
goddesses is the offering of Khatak, a holy scarf. One finds many of
such scarfs hanging on the images of gods and goddesses, both in Chot-
kang as well as monastery. When the image of a supernatural is not
within reach the Ladakhis have been seen throwing scarfs from a distance.
To greet Kushok the most important object used is Khatak. The villagers
offer him Khataks and he obliges them through his blessings. The Kha-
taks are then collectively placed at one place considered sacred.

Ghost and spirits

The Ladakhis believe in the existence of ghosts and spirits. Some
of them are considered, more mischievious and scaring. The death of a
human being and animal is attributed to sickness sent by the ghost or the
evil spirit. Most notorious of the malevelent supernaturals is known
as Shinte. It is said to cause maximum harm to the human a.nd animal
population. Shinde or Shinte spirit originates from the death of a person
who breathes last with lot of desires in mind. Such a person, while on
death-bed, expresses that he has left many things undone and unresolved.
The spirit of such a person becomes Shinte, Others explain that when a
man indulges in bad deeds in his life time, his soul does not find any abode
and roams here and there. In due course it assumes the form of Shinte.
It is believed that Lhas provide protection to life while Dhuts are bent
upon killing it. Shinde comes in Dhut category. As protection against
Shinde the Lamas are requested to organise Dukar-Zok Gyur worship.

Lhu is another spirit most scaring to the Ladakhis. It is more for
evil than good. Little anger to Lhu means big harm to the person and
his family. A water source, where Lhu is believed to reside, is never
damaged nor its water made dirty. Some of the informants . have
stated that the Ladakhis of Phae village do not domesticate dogs and cats
(domestication of dogs is otherwise very popular among the Ladakhis).
The fear is that they may sometimes go to the water source, where Lhu
stays, and spoil the water. In that case the Lhu would become furious

160

trie Ladakh!

and cause harm to the villagers. Lhu assumes the indifferent and the most
harmful attitude when not bothered for. The cleaner the water in the
water source, the happier would be the Lhu. The figure of Lhu is stated '
to resemble human being with snake on head. According to others it
resembles fish and lizard. At times it is explained to have seven heads.
Lhu is considered somewhat better than Shinde because it may, at times,
be helpful. With its worship it may help increase the milk yield of an
animal, crop production and water. The Lamas worship it on the spot
to cause rain. When ignored the consequences may be reverse. Joint
pains, muscle pull and boils are specially caused by Lhu. Lhuchas and
Namkor Namthang worship are done to appease Lhu.

Lhande is a ghost. It has no specific abode and is found on the hills,
under stones and along the river banks. Lhande is stated to resemble a
tall black Lama. When a person gets confronted with Lhande, he falls
sick. It is also believed that Lhande can take away the consciousness of
a man while in sleep. Being half-asleep, the man follows Lhande. It
is further stated that Lhande keeps the man under his control for four to
five days. Lhande does attack animals. In order to satisfy Lhande,
Chhewang or Chhadup worship is performed by the Lamas. That a
man is under the influence of Lhande can be identified only by a qualified
Lama.

The faith in evil spirits continues to be well intact. What Feather-
stone (1926) observed holds true. He mentions that people have strong
faith in evil spirits and devils. Herein lies mostly the source of the power
of the Lamas, who alone are able to exercise these demons, in terror of
which the native spends his life. He wears charms, amulets, and relics
of holy Lamas as protection against gods and devils, but as they turn out
to be of little use, the priests are always being called upon to make good
their deficiencies. The people are ready to believe anything the Lamas
tell them and are always on the look out for omens, lucky days and unlucky
days. These latter are discouraged by consulting professed astrologers,
who give special divinations for the most important events in life, but in
everyday life, the ordinary native generally judges for himself the omens
and auguries. The natives are very superstitious. The Lamas are the
real supporters of the devil worship which flourishes everywhere and
provides one of their chief means of livelihood.

Religious persons

To avoid misfortune, to get good luck and to keep gods and goddes¬
ses happy, the Ladakhis have certain means. Some of the religious men
are taken help of for the purpose. Onpo is one of them. He is approa¬
ched by a Ladakhi after a birth or death in family. He is also contacted
in case of sickness or other difficulty. The Ladakhis, being deeply super¬
stitious believe in the influence of stars over the life of a person and his
affairs. When needed the Ladakhis consult Onpo, an astrologer as well

ftELlGlOUS AfTRtfiUTfeS

lei

as astronomer. An Onpo is capable of forecasting future events. He
does so in consultation of his holy literature. For any undersirable happen¬
ing an Onpo would tell of the evil star and its influence. At times he
would suggest for worship and installation of Buddhist flags having
hymns written on them. A normal course of action suggested by Onpo
involves formation of religious paintings known as Thanka, Skistak and
Lhaskal. The latter is prepared in case of child birth alone. When made
after death, a painting is known as Skistak. Such paintings mostly
depict Buddha, or any of his disciples, alongwith other worship equip¬
ment. What shape a painting is to be given is decided by Onpo. This
is done keeping in view relevant religious calculations. Thanka and Lhas¬
kal are tied on cloth alone, and their size varies. Most of these, however,
are about two feet long and one and a half feet broad.. After the direc¬
tive obtained from Onpo the needy approaches Spon who, in fact, makes
the painting. Spon is a painter who may or may not be a religious person.

Thankas carry religious sanctity and are kept very carefully. These
are not to be kept anywhere else but Chotkang. In this sacred part of
the house the Thankas are made to hang against the walls. The pain¬
tings are either left open or are covered with plain cloth.

Lama and Chomo

Lama is a religious man and Chomo a religious woman. They a.re
both superior persons and enjoy a higher social and religious status. Such
religious persons, in various categories, serve the villagers. They dedicate
their life to religion and for the service of the community. The Lama
devote to learning, preaching and worshipping. During my stay in
Ladakhi villages I found that one or the other kind of worship formed
almost a daily feature of one or the other family. The number of Lamas
engaged varied according to the nature of worship. A common belief is
that the Bhotos opt to become Lamas and Chomos because they do not
consider worldly life as good. They want to achieve religious knowledge
and preach the same to others who are illiterate. It continues to be true
that on an average every third family spares one person to join the frater¬
nity of Lamas or Chomos. The table below gives a more clear picture in
this regard.

Table showing the number of Lamas and Chomos (Out of 300 families)

SI.

No.

Category of
religious persons

Total number

Percentage of the
total population

Lama

2.49 ;

Chomo

2.33

Total

4.82

» 4

162 THE LADAKiff

The table reveals that 300 families spared 87 persons to become
Lamas and the Chomos. That means, out of a total population of 1806,
eighty seven (4.82 %) joined the religious priesthood. These religious men
and women lead a life of celibacy. After attaining a particular age, the
Lamas shift to the monastery while the Chomos continue to live in their
respective houses. Lama and Chomo can distinctly be identified in the
Ladakhi society because of the particular style they live in. A Lama
wears a saffron- coloured robe, resembling a dressing gown. This is
girdled with a cloth band. On the upper part of body, and under the gown
is worn a tight jacket of yellow or red colour, depending on the sect to
which one belongs. One belonging to Red-sect would wear jacket and
cap of the red colour. A religious man of Yellow sect wears yellow
coloured jacket and cap. A Chomo also wears similar dress but
the design of her cap differs. It is conical in shape, not very pointed
at the upper tip. The Lama and the Chomo shave off their heads and
never allow their hair to grow long. The other Ladakhis wear their hair
long. Even the man grow it long to protect the hea,d from cold. With
long hair and cap, the Ladakhis face the extreme winter. The Lamas
live in Gompa campus and spend their time in religious learning and its
practical display. Till the age of about eight the boy, to be made Lama,
stays in the parental home. Later on he is admitted in the monastery
and given a new name. Then he severes some of his connections with
his family of orientation and becomes more integral part of Gompa.
Except a few the Chomos now stay in their respective houses and lead the
.life of celibacy. The religious knowledge of a Lama is definitely far more
than a Chomo. At the same time the Chomos can be found sh?«ring the
household and other activities. The La.mas, however, are never asked
to do, that. They are exclusively meant for religious performance. The
Chomos do household work, look after fields and also tend ca.ttle. They
attend to the call of Gompa people and are employed for various works
in Gompa. They may look after Gompa crops and are also used for
cleaning purpose. When the villagers work for Gompa agriculture fields
the Chomos are asked to manage food for them. They do it from
Gompa funds. In spite of all this a . Chomo’ s pisition is definitely con¬
sidered superior to other women, though the superiority is not all the
time exhibited.

It has been reported that rule of primogeniture was responsible for
sparing male children to join priest-hood. Likewise the system of poly¬
andry spared girls for spinsterhood.. Such formations also got impetus
from the feeling of leading a religious life. It is expressed that because
of a high proportion of females, coupled with polyandry, there have been
some surplus females who could not marry. If they could not be diverted
to religious life, the chances of immoral traffic would have enchenced.
In this background the Chomo formation was further encouraged. Simul¬
taneously it was almost obligatory on family to spare a girl for Chomo-
hood. People have further reported that the children who frequently fall

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

163

sick are dedicated to Gompa. When the new-borns of a couple die, one
after another, they decide to dedicate one. child to Gompa. The belief
is that so doing will enhance survival chance. Also, to maintain family
tradition a person is spared to join priestly class. It may be reported
that the number of Lamas as well as the Chomos is towards decline
because of the changing pattern of inheritance and the declining poly¬
andry. With number the change has also occurred in their professional
orientation. The Chomos are now less religion-oriented because they stay
in their family house. The Lamas who used to be previously sent to
Lhasa for training have now stopped going. The check on this religious
training has been imposed by the latter political developments. Under
the new circumstances Lhasa is no longer the spiritual fountain head for
the Ladakhi Lamas.

Among the Lamas exists a social hierarchy. The highest placed are
the Kushoks, most of whom are believed, to be reincarnate. The person
who can be accorded the highest honour and respect in Ladakhi society
is the Kushok. The importance of his visit to any village is more than
anybody else. He is welcomed by ail men, women and children Offer-
rings of various kind are made to him. A Kushok runs the Gompa
admini station and his word is a law. Like a monarch he can order dis¬
missal as well as appointment of any person in monastery. A Kushok
is never challenged by any person. Three categories of Lamas are repor¬
ted. One is Chung-Zung, Chung, Bande or Ge-Yen. He is a novice to
Lamaism. A boy dedicated to religion is given a new name. His head
is shaved to make him Chung-Zung. He can initially stay in his family,
or may join the Gompa. For two to three years, or even more, his
behaviour is observed to assess his caliber for Lamaship. He has to
observe the main principles, namely to abstain from Chang, offence, theft,
sex indulgence etc. If one maintains the restrictions for five to seven
years he is made a Gheesul, the next higher stage in Lamahood. Kushok
and Khonbo are empowered to declare a man Gheesul. A Lama becomes
Gheesul after attaining the age of about fifteen years. At this stage he has
to strictly observe thirty six principles meant for Lama. He also starts
taking lessons in Buddhist philosophy. In the next higher stage he
becomes Gallong. This is around the age of twentyfive. A Gallong has
still more impositions and observes 253 conditions. He is believed to
be a learned Lama. The position of Gallong is attained only affter under¬
going sufficient training in religious philosophy. Next higher stage is of
Sang-Nak. The man devotes largely to meditation. Like the Lamas
the hierarchical order for Chomos is also defined. A beginner Chomo
is known as Geyen Ma. On her promotion she becomes Gheesul Ma,
and finally Gallong Ma. The latter is explained to be the highest category
in the ranking of Chomos. I met quite a few Chomos and found them,
irrespective of their rank, lacking in religious knowledge. For most of
my querries they stated their inability to explain. How far they are
connected with religion can be shown by the ca.se history of Lobzang

164

THE LADAKHI

Chhoral, a Chomo from Spituk. She became Chomo at the age of eight.
Chhoral has neither stayed in any Gompa nor knows reading and writing.
She has not been formally taught the philosophy of Buddhism or Lamaism.
Of course she wears the dress meant for a Chomo. Chhoral is, now,
the head of female labour force, engaged as civilian labourers. She can
understand and speak bit of Hindi. Whenever free she devotes some
time to agriculture works. In addition she responds to Gompa’s call
whenever her services are asked for.

Apart from stratification in terms of religious achievements there are
two other broad division of Lamas. One of these consists of those who
chiefly devote to meditation and worship. They are not involved in any
activity related to worldly affairs. Another category is of those Lamas
who ca.ter to the temporal needs of the community. The men, in latter
category, also manage to look after Gompa land, cattle, trade etc. They
collect funds for Gompa and maintain the accounts. The patterns of two
divisions are as under :

Spiritual section

1 . Kushok

— An incarnation

2. Lobon

— An abbot

3. Chos-Timpa

— Who controls religious meetings

4. Chhomspon

— Who directs the religious dances

Temporal section

1 . Chhag-jot

— Treasurer

2. Nyerchhen

— Steward

3. Hyerpa

— Storekeeper

4. Phi-Nyer

— Farm Steward

Among Lamas the level of attainment differs. The fact has been
established during the course of fieldwork. More number of Lamas
(and almost all Chomos) are not rationally conversant even with the
practices they are engaged in. When they perform a worship, and if
asked about its functional interpretation, they are unable to explain.
They take things for granted and do not bother about the intricacies of
religious performance. Many a times I observed Lamas dozing during
the course of worship. When they suddenly wake up they again start
murmuring something. But there are other Lamas who are undoubtedly
intelligent. And whatever they do they thoroughly understand. They
have a wider understanding of things and explain well the rituals, cere¬
monies and worship performed by them. Amchi or Lharje, the medicine¬
man of the Ladakhis, is not necessarily a religious man. He need not
be in Lama fraternity. But he certainly depends upon the sacred Pothis
while treating the sick. To attain Amchiship, one has to do a vast reading
of literature under the guidance and training of a trained Amchi, If

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

165

need be he can seek help of Kushok and other senior Lamas for clarifica¬
tion. For cure an Amchi is in link with the religious men, the Lamas,
Kushok, Labha, Chanspa etc. From the sacred books, dealing with
medicines, the details are gathered for preparing medicines from roots
and herbs. When the worship is used as a means of curing, the Amchi
himself sits in the Chotkang of the patient’s family and performs it. Such
a worship of gods and goddesses is believed to cure the patient. In such
an instance Amchi acts as a religious man. Because of this background,
and for his expertise as a curer, an Amchi is given higher status in society.
He is recognised as a professional leader. His appeal to the gods and
goddesses or his prevailing upon certain evil spirits and ghosts is a suffi¬
cient support to an Amchi being a religious man. Worship, in fact, is
suggested or done by the Amchi to ward off the influence of evil spirits.
Warding oft' such influence helps cure the disease. Apart from herbal
medicines and worship, the other ways of treatment, practised by an
Amchi, include the induction of red-hot iron into the body of patient, and
a bath in mineral water of the springs. In Latter case the Amchi accom¬
panies the patient to the spring and directs him for the porpose.

Phunchok Namgyal is the Amchi of Spituk. He commands great
respect. Aged about 42, Phunchok stays permanently in the village. He
has read upto 6th standard and is employed as Postman in Post and
Telegraph Department. Phunchok’s family is polyandrous with six chil¬
dren. His eldest son, read upto 5th standard, has already started learning
Amchi’s profession. Phunchok diagnoses the sickness by feeling the
pluse, and treats by inserting a red-hot iron rod in some part of the body.
Some medicines, prepared out of plants, herbs and roots are also given.
His charges are nominal, not exceeding two rupees, food and Gur Gur.
He also performs worship in the patient’s house. Phunchok has not
inherited this position from his father. But his son is learning the pro¬
fession and has already decided to take it up.

Labha

Labha, another religious man, is not as popular as a Lama or Amchi
is. Even the number of Labhas is comparatively less. Generally there
is one Labha for two to three villages. In bigger villages there may be
one each. The position of a Labha is considered important and far above
the commoners though he is not as frequently consulted as a Lama or a
Lharje. A Labha is believed to be possessed by a deity and with her help
only he cures the ailments. There are two main elements of Labha’s
technology. Firstly, a Labha tries to cure by himself. Secondly, he
suggests to organise a worship or contact an Amchi. Labha himself does
not perform any worship. The Ladakhis are of the opinion that a weak-
herted man becomes Labha because he easily gets possessed by the deity.
When one gets possessed of a deity he tries to learn relevant techniques
from some trained Labha. The Labha has the capability of removing

166

THE LADAKHI

poison from the body of a person. He can take out iron, needle from
animal stomach. Labha does not cause harm to anyone and is always
useful. The deity, possessing Labha, cannot be used for causing harm.

Chanspa

A Chanspa is mostly a Lama who lives in interior hills and devotes to
meditation. It is through meditation that he attains a high spiritual
knowledge and understanding. The spiritual attainment of a Chanspa
is so strong that he can even foretell whether a sick person would survive
or not. Those suffering from the evil influence of spirits are taken to
Chanspa. Or, somebody contacts Chanspa on behalf of the sufferer.
Generally the Chanspa, after making his calculations, suggests for wor¬
ship. More popular of these is Lhuchas. The worship is performed in
Chotkang belonging to person concerned. Organisation of Shilok
worship is also suggested. The latter is performed by Lobon to ward
off the effects of ghosts and evil spirits.

The course of meditation for becoming Chanspa is a tough one.
A man has to mediate for three years, three months and seven days. The
period is spent in small isolated hut. The man also devotes to reading.
Only a strong-willed Lama opts for this course in life. In addition to help
society, a man decides to become Chanspa for self purification. Some
admitted that a Chanspa is helpful in begeting children.

Gompa — a religious organization

A Gompa organisation has two major dimensions; one religious and
the other civic. Those who perfom the latter functions are also the Lamas.
That way the number of Lamas is large. But only a few of them are given
formal positions. The incumbents, by and large, against such positions
keep on changing, depending more on the Kushok’s will. But the achieved
positions, through religious attainment, do not invlove any change of
incumbent. The spiritual and temporal positions, in order of sequence
described by the informants a.re as follows : —

1. Kushok

2. Khonbo or Gonbo

3. Chhag or Chhang-jot ,

4. Lobon

5. Nirpa

6. Gey-kos

7. Umjey

8. Uchung ...

9. Chhampon

10. Chhamjog

11. Chhabrel ,

12. Chama , •

13. Komniar . . ... . .. .

kfeUGlOUS ATTR1 BUIES

167

Kushok is always a reincarnation. He appoints Lamas from
position No. 2 to No. 10. The rest three are appointed by Khonbo.

1. Kushok is the overall head and incharge of Gompa. A Kushok,
after death, gets rebirths. The place and family in which a Kushok is
reborn are searched by Gompa management with the help of Dalai Lama.
A Kushok is the spiritual as well as the administrative head of monastery.
He enjoys power of dismissal and appointment of any Lama. A good
deal of personal interest is taken by Kushok in appointing Khonbo,
Chhang-jot and Lobon. For others he may not take more of pains.

2. Khonbo or Head Lama is next in position to Kushok. In the
absence of Kushok he officiates for most of the functions. He behaves
as additional Kushok and is permitted to preach and conduct other acti¬
vities meant for Kushok. On behalf of Kushok he conducts examinations
for Lamas to elevate them to higher positions. Khonbo can go to per¬
form worship in the families. Formation of Lamas and Chomos is
initiated by him. He is vested with power to punish a Lama. As part of
punishment he can ou.trightly expell a Lama or give him some hard work.
A Khonbo however is all submissive to Kushok. In addition a Khonbo
is to see that the Gompa laws are properly respected by the Lamas.

3. Chhang-jot is the custodian of land and other property of Gompa.
He is its manager and treasurer. He sees that the agriculture on Gompa
land is done properly. Daily ration for Gompa men is issued by him as
the store is in his charge. He is also in possession of Gompa cash. His
term of office is for four years. Before handing over he submits the
accounts to Kushok who appoints someone else in his place. A simple,
truthful, hardworking and honest man is selected for the purpose.

4. Lobon, unlike Chhang-jot, is again a religious man of Gompa.
It may be stated that smaller Gompas, under the control of major one,
are headed by Lobons. A Kushok does not directly head them. For
instance Shankar, Sabu. and Stock Gompas (subsidiary of Spituk Gompa)
are headed by one Lobon each. For all purposes they regard Spituk Kus¬
hok as their fountain head. The Kushok of main Gompa commands
his authority over the rest of Gompas. A very special job of the Lobon
is to organise worship. He is its organiser and fixes time, date, place
etc. Other arrangements, in this regard, are also made by him. Another
part of his job is to keep an eye on the character and activities of the Lamas.

5. Nirpa is an assistant to Chhang-jot and helps in all kinds of jobs
assinged. to him. But in subsidiary Gompas he acts as independent
Chhang-jot and performs all his functions, almost parallel to those of
the chief monastery. In smaller Gompas a Nirpa is the manager of
land and property. But in chief monastery he is simply an assistant
manager; the manager being the Chhang-jot himself.

6. Gey-kos is an assistant to the chief worhip organiser, the Lobon.
The latter, being more devoted to religious life, assigns certain jobs to the
former. During the course of worship it is the job of Gey-kos to see that
the Gur Gur and food are regularly andtimely served. Those who serve the

168

tHB LADAKHI

meals are guided by him. It is his responsibility to make sitting arrange¬
ments at the time of worship. In this regard he waits for the direction of
Lobon. Under his supervision it is seen that all the participants in worship
serioously read the sacred literature and do not indulge in talking and
gossip. Permission to leave the the worship is to be taken from him.
But when a Lama requires long leave he has to approach Kushok to get it
sanctionned.

7. Umjey’ s position is again one of importance, especially in the
context of religion. As a matter of fact it is his privilege to initiate
the performance of worship. That is one reason why this position is given
to a senior and intelligent Lama. While inititating a worship Umjey
shouts Ha-Ha-Ha, and this is followed by loud gong-music. In addition
to this job an Umjey has also been assigned the task of conducting exa¬
mination for junior Lamas. He is deputed to attend religious meetings
outside Gompa.

8. Uchung is an assistant to Umjey and officiates for all duties in
his absence. When an Umjey falls sick his responsibilities are taken even
by Uchung. Even when Umjey is involved in other jobs he may ask
Uchung to share some of his functions. The latter are not related to
personal life but as defined in the duty chart.

9. Chhampon has a big role to play in Gompa. He is the director
and organizer of religious dramas and dances, specially performed
on the occasion of annual fair of Gompa. He supervises all rehearsals
which the Lamas have almost atl the year round. All dresses, steps,
movements and dramatic sequence are prescribed by Chhampon. This
man is well experienced to manage for the elaborate dramatic perfor¬
mances. He guides for the rhythmic movements of hands and feet of the
participant Lamas. These dramatic performances help transmit the
cultural heritage of Ladakhis. The transmitted traits are internalized
by the observers who come from far off places to sec the dances and
dramas.

10. Chhamjog is an assistant to Chhampon and helps him in all
activities. As the work load of Chhampon is more he needs an active
assistant to help him. A Chhamjog is also well conversant with the jobs
of Chhampon. It may be mentioned that the assistants, in all cases except
that of Kushok, are normally promoted to the superior positions after
the retirement of their seniors. As assistants they develop expertise in
the jobs of senior men. On the occasion of annual fair of Gompa the
Chhampon allots part of his job to Chhamjog.

11. Chha.brel’s role is an important one, especially at the time of
annual or other worship wherein the villagers participate. On the occa¬
sion of bigger worship, Chhabrel directs the villagers in terms of their
way, order and place. He gives the same directions in the temple room
too. On the occasion of annual worship a Chhabrel directs the younger
Lamas for making arrangement for Gur Gur.

12. Chama is the kitchen supervisor and attends to relevant duties

RELIGIOUS ATTRIBUTES

i6$

daily as well as on special occasions. He looks after cleanliness, eatables,
utensils, fuel etc. Management of kitchen is under his charge and he is
authorised to allot the duties in any way he feels like. A Chama perso¬
nally supervises food and Gur Gur preparation. Any problem regarding
kitchen is brought to his notice.

13. Komniar is a Lama responsible for cleanliness of Gompa.
When Gompa and its surroundings give a dirty look, the Kushok and
Lamas point to Komniar. To keep the rooms and temple clean he takes
help of junior Lanras, Chomos and the villagers. The Lamas have stand¬
ing instruction to keep their rooms clean. The major part of cleanliness
involves dusting of worship equipment, statues and other figures of gods
and goddesses, paintings, tables and library books. This job is given
to a man of confidence because some of these things are rare possessions
and precious. In case they are lost from Gompa their replacement would
be difficult.

The changing conditions around have hardly made any impact on
Gompa and its religious organisation. This holds true for structure as
well as role parameters. The core of religious formation continues to be
strong. In comparison to other aspects of life the religion, among Lada-
khis, is still a stronghold.

Culture Change — A Review

This account of culture change is in continuation of what has, so
far, been explained as continuity and change. The existing socio-cultural
milieu of the Ladakhis, as analysed in earlier chapters, does- involve
synchyronic as well as diachronic explanations. And in the social struc¬
ture parameteis one can easily spot out instance of status quo and dyna¬
mics/ Since some of the cultural events and elements cannot easily be
discussed in isolation of change and continuity dimensions, they had to
be dealt simultaneously. Such a treatment does facilitate the reader
to compare the situation of fixity, persistence and change.

However, to further highlight the prominent aspect of change and
continuity, and to inculcate more precision this chapter has been separated.
An account of traditional cultural traits and those lately incorporated as
new precisely form the major contents of this exercise. An added dimer -
sion of these explanations lies in the revelations of the nature of attitude
to the old as well as the new. Analysis of this kind helped to hint at
future trends and projections of change. One can have glimpse of it
in the earlier interpretations too. The empiricism made in the paragra¬
phs that follow provides statistical support to some of the mechanical
arguments. The degree and extent of culture change cover some of the
more prominent aspects including social stratification, family, linea.ge,
Phasphun, rites-de-passage, economic organisation, religious structure
and socio-political organisation.

It may be recalled that the Ladakhis stratification and inequality are
social, ritual, power and class based. The nature of stratification has
already been discussed in the relevant chapter. The account of change
is as under.

Table showing the change in varions forms of Ladakhi hierarchy

SI.

No.

Nature of
stratification

No. of informants
who feel it is changed

Percentage

Social

8.00

Ritual

Nil

- — .

Power

162

54.00

Class

2.00

CULTURE CHANGE— A REVIEW

171

The table reveals of a significant change in power hierarchy. Ali
the 54.00 % informants who admitted change have stated that the positions
on Kalhon and Goba are no longer as powerful as they used to be in the
past. The authority and power which Kalhons enjoyed before India
attained independence are no longer the previlege. But in case of Goba
the change is relatively of a mild order. In certain respects he continues
to have an upper hand and more say. Only eight percent of the Ladakhi s
feel that the positions of Mon and Gara have been elevated. However,
it may be stated that in day to day life and interaction the positive change
in the position of Mon and Gara could not be marked. Irrespective of
their ethnic group affiliations the persons associated with carpentry are
said to be belonging to superior class. This could categorically be suppor¬
ted by three informants. The rest three, out of six who spoke for change
in class pattern, are of the opinion that the Kalhon class is now less
differentiated. But at the level of empirica.1 reality the bulk of population
is still for differentiation.

- As already stated the social groupings among Ladakhis have bearing
on kinship and other considerations. The grouping is not very elaborate.
Nang-Chang and Gyut are purely kinship-specific. Phasphun, however,
is not necessarily a kinship group. Its function is also different from that
of Nang-Chang and Gyut. Change in respect of social grouping can be
discussed as under.

Table showing the change in respect of social groupings of the Ladakhis

SL ... ..

No.

Social groups

- Those who _

admitted change

Percentge

Phasphun

108

36.00

2 .

Gyut - . .

_ 90 _

30.00

Nang-Chang

117

39.00

It may be made clear that only those, out of 300 informants, who
admitted change in the social groups find mention in the table. That
some change has taken place in the Phasphun group is supported by
108 respondents. The rest agreed that the group continues to be in the
traditional form. The change mainly concerned the size of the group.
Out of 108 informants, 69 (63.89%) have expressed that the size of Phas¬
phun has increased in later years. That means the families per Phasphun
group are now more. On the other hand, 39 (36.1 1 %) Ladakhis expressed
for contraction of Phasphun structure. No change was, however, repor¬
ted in terms of the roles and activities of Phasphun group.

Likewise the change explained in the context of Gyut is again struc¬
tural and not organisational. Only 90 informants admitted change in
case of this kinship-based group. Out of 90, the change in terms of

172

THE LADAKHI

increased size and number of Gyuts was supported by 84 (93.33%). The
trend might have got impetus from the sizeable increase in Ladakhi
population. But in contrast, 6 informants have stated it the other way
round. According to them the Gyut size is contracting.

More of the respondents (117) agreed that Nang-Chang grouping has
undegone change. Out of these, 78 (66.66%) stated that this social
group has fast assumed the nuclear form. They spoke for the trend that
extended family pattern is heading towards nuclear one. And this reflec¬
ted on the average family size too. But at the same time, .39 (33.34%)
respondents have stated that the family size has increased. It may be
reported that there is now, predominance of nuclear families, followed by
extended ones. The contradicting opinions, given by the informants,
may have their root in specific situations created by changed, changing
and the continuing conditions. The norms of behaviour in Nang-Chang
continue to remain, by and large, unchanged. The functional importance
of such groups in the social structure purview maintains originality.

The rites, rit.ua.ls and ceremonies connected to birth, marriage and
death occupy an important pla.ce in Ladakhi social structure. Others
apart the social, economic and religious implications of the same form
an integral part of discussion on change. The response in terms of change
is as under. . ; .

Table explaining change in relation to rites-de-passage

SI.

No.

Rites-de-passage

Those who
reported change

Percentage

Birth

• 81

27.00

Marriage . .

. — . . 204

68.00

Death

16.00

More, out of 300 respondents, have admitted change in respect of
the institution of marriage. The least, that is 16.00%, explained change
in the context of death rites and ceremonies. Since the ceremonial com¬
plex in the event of death involves emotions and sentiments the reflection
of change is poor. These elements compel people confine to the frame
of traditionally. On the other hand the instance of change is more in
the sphere of marriage which provides, more flexibility as per the Ladakhi
norms.

Out of 81 who explained change in connection with the rites, customs
and ceremonies related to birth, seven admitted of change in ceremonial
observances. The latter, are now observed with less rigidity. Some of
the areas are even ignored., On the other hand the rest, that is 74, said it
the other way. According to them the ceremonial performances, connec¬
ted to birth, are now more elaborately observed proving more expensive
to the Ladakhis, The price-rise is another factor for increase in expenses.

CULTURE CHANGE^A REVIEW

173

Out of 204 who responded for change in marriage, 33 stated that the
Phorsak no longer exists. Keeping Phorsak used to be a common prac¬
tice in the past. Explaining change the rest of the informants said that
the marriage expenditure is now more than what it used to be before.
They also spoke of the rising frequency of love marriages. The economic
aspect of change was further highlighted in case of death rituals and
cremonies whose performance now involves more expenditure. The
Bulba, in the event of a death, now fetches more amount, and hence more
income to Lamas and the monastery. From the account of change, given
above, one can infer that the traditional rites, customs and ceremonies,
connected to birth, marriage and death, continue to exist (except Phorsak).
There is no replacement anywhere. That means the attitude of Ladakbis
to such a ceremonial complex is maintained as before. The change is in
the economics involved and in the degree of observance.

In spite of new economic opportunities the Ladakhis continue to
chiefly depend upon agriculture and animal husbandry. Other subsidiary
occupations are a.lso followed. Some innovations in the field of agricul¬
ture and animal husbandry do form part of change. More of thes: are
additions rather than replacement. Use of improved seeds, implements,
chemical fertilizers, insecticides and technical know-how is a later deve¬
lopment. The detailed stock of such innovations is given below.

Table giving an account of agricultural innovations

SI.

No.

New or improved
input or practice

No. of respon¬
dents who adopted

Percentage

Seed

18.00

Fertilizer

168

56.00

Implements

2.00

Insecticide

7.00

Technical know-how

7.00

It is revealed that in general (except in case of fertilizer) the adoption
of agricultural innovations is slow. The background has~already been
explained in the relevant chapter on economic structure. It may be
mentioned that no improved input or practice has been adopted in Kuyul.
Adoption is more prominent in Spituk and Thiksay. Though nearer to
Leh, the agriculture innovations are not that popular in Sabu. Reason
being its location ?.t higher elevation where irrigation facility is inadequate.

Only eighteen percent of the Ladakhis use improved seeds, mostly
of wheat and vegetables. The latter are grown in villages around Leh.
The most popular of the improved ariculture practices is the chemical
fertilizer which 56.00 % of the farmers use. The next, in popularity, are
the insecticides and the technical know-how. The least (2.00%) adopted

174

THE LADAKHI

are the improved implements. With most of the Ladakhis the old prac¬
tices are still popular, partly because many of these get religious support.
The ecological conditions and lack of awareness are also responsible for
continuity of the old.

The condition is no better in case of livestock rearing. How slow
the Ladakhis are in the adoption of improved practices of animal hus¬
bandry is shown in the table below.

Table showing the adoption of improved animal husbandry

SI.

No.

Improved practice

No. of persons
adopted

Percentage

Animals of improved
breed

6.00

Vaccination

1.00

Artificial insemination

Nil

—

Only 6.00 % of the Ladakhis have animals of improved breed. These
include Zo, Zomo and the poultry birds. It has been reported that the
Zo and Zomo of improved breed are readily accepted. But the poultry
birds, becuase of their high mortality in winter months, are not welcomed.
Of course when they are available free of cost, people accept them. Vac¬
cination of animals could be done only in 1.00 percent cases. The rest
bank upon the traditional wa.ys of treatment and cure. Most of the
Ladakhis have not even heard of the improved animals and practices.
What is primarily required is the development of awareness.

As already explained the other important elements of Ladakhi econo¬
mic life include trade, division of labour, exploitation and income. Sur¬
plus and property aspects are not elaborately accounted for. Because of
their being on the ancient trade route, many Bhotos from Ladakh were,
directly or indirectly, involved in trade in the past. Then the magnitude
of exploitation was higher. What change has taken place in these cons¬
tituents of Ladakhi economic system is revealed by the following table.

Table showing the change in various elements of economic system

SI. Elements of No. of respondents Percentage

No. economic system who admit change

T rade

8.00

Income

219

73.00

Division of labour

20.00

Surplus

5.00

Property

3 .

1.00

Exploitation

23.00

CULTURfc CHANGE— A REVIEW

175

It is evident that more change is reported in the context of income.
Out of 300 informants, 219 (73.00%) have admitted that the change in
income has taken place. All agreed tha.t their income is now, higher
than what it used to be in the past. Nearly 8.00 per cent of the Ladakhis
reported that they are no longer involved in trade with Tibet. As the
Tibet borders are now sealed the Ladakhis indulge in internal transpor¬
tation of goods. For this purpose they make use of zo, mule, horse, goat
and sheep. Since the rise of new economic opportunities, some read¬
justment in division of labour has been made. Nearly sixty informats
expressed that their women now work more in the fields as the men have
joined services. Looking to the nature of response in case of income the
replies in respect of surplus and property do not seem to be matching.
Only 5.00 percent admitted that their surplus is now more than ever before.
Three own shops and more property tha.n before. Nearly 23.00% of
the Ladakhis expressed that the exploitation is now less. People are free
from forced labour and Res impositions.

In the context of socio-political life and social control the change
account is not of any high magnitude. Some additions, as new patterns,
have, however been made. This emerged in the process of politicization
of Ladakhis, especially after their developing awareness of National
Congress. The creation of a category of Members, and the associated
norms, is said to be the direct result of such development. The following
table gives an account of the changes in various elements of socio-political
control.

Table showing the change in various elements of socio-political control

SI.

"No. ’

Element

No. of respondents
who admitted change

Percentage

Pattern

25.00 *

' 2-. : :

Norm

16.00

Reward

• — .

- — -

Punishment

16.00

Change in pattern and norm arenas could be reported by 25.00% and
16.00% of the Ladakhis respectively. It chiefly pertains to the origin of
Members who continue to be the integral part of village council. Depen¬
ding on the population of village the number of Members- varies.
Alongwith the creation of position of Member came into effect new
functions and roles. The inclusion of Members in village council gave it
a more democratic form. Before that the Goba alone prevailed over
others. The earlier severity of punishment declined as per 16.00% of the
informants. The jolt came not becuase of the emergence of Members but
because of changing conditions and new system of administration at
official level.

176

filE LADAKHI

With the rise of new trends, structural and positional, the attitude
and reaction of the Ladakhis to old agencies of socio-political control
took a new turn. When a question was posed as to whom do they
approach for seeking justice and decision in the event of a conflict, the
response showed a good deal of variation. It ranged from traditional
to the newly emerged agencies. The nature of such response is as follows.

■ , ■ • •*
Table showing the agencies contracted for seeking decisions

SI.

No.

Agency contracted

No. of respondents
(out of 300)

Percentage

Goba alone

4.00

Member alone

6.00

Goba as well as Member

219

73.00

Any other (Police, Kotwal,

Tehsildar, A and B

Congress)

9.00

It may be stated that out of 300 respondents only 276 answered the
question. The rest do not approach anyone as they have never been
involved in any conflict. Majority, that is 73.00%, of the Ladakhis
approach Goba as well as the Member for seeking justice. Only 4.00 %
report to Goba alone, and 6.00% exclusively bank upon Members.
Some 9.00% of the Ladakhis depend on Police, Kotwal, Tehsildar and
Congress ‘A’ and ‘B\ Since the latter agencies are not available at village
level, not many people approach them. Secondly they are to be con¬
tacted only in serious cases alone. The Goba and the Members take help
of monastic institutions as and when necessary. The dependence on
traditional agencies is still of a very high order.

The dominance of religion on Ladakhi life and culture stands almost
uninterrupted. Ladakhis dependence on religion is too much. While
discussing change in the context of religious elements it was reported
that most of it has remained intact. Some important religious attributes,
explored in this context, included spirits, gods, goddesses, beliefs, practices
and worship. More specifically the position is as under.

Table showing the change in respect of religious contents

SI.

No..

Religious contents

• .

No. of respondents
who feel change

Percentage

Lhu 1

2.00

Shinde

2.00

Magzur

2.00

Contd.

CULTURE CHANGE— A REVIEW

177

SI.

No.

Religious contents

No. of respondents
who feel change

Percentage

Gyamo

2.00

Lharchang

2.00

Other beliefs

4.00

Practices

6.00

Worship

2.00

The table supports that maximum (6.00%) change has occurred in
case of religious practices. People have not done away with the prac¬
tices but the incidence of their observance has declined. Nearly 60.00 %
of these 18 respondents further stated that they do not construct any
Mane and Chhorten. They may, however, improve upon the old ones.
In the religious belief-system, 4.00% Ladakhis have reported for change.
However, this change is contradictory in the sense that 75.00% of the
total 12 respondents accord less recognition to the beliefs, whereas the
rest, 25.00 %, respect them more. The change in case of worship, spirits,
gods and goddesses is of the order of 2.00% in each case. Those who
admitted change in the sphere of worship have expressed that its frequency
and form of observance have suffered set-back. Two responses given in
relation to gods, goddesses and spirits are of controversia.1 nature. Half
of the informants have strengthened their belief in them. But in case of
other half the same has dwindled. The increase or decrease of faith has
correspondingly reflected on the performance of connected rituals and
ceremonies.

More of the Ladakhis consider disease and sickness as caused by the
super naturals. The treatment too is sought from the religious persons
like Kushok Lama, Chanspa etc. The explanation for cause and cure of
diseases is deeply rooted in religion and its various manifestations. But
lately the Ladakhis have started taking advantage of new opportunities
concerning health and sickness, thereby showing change in their attitude.
An elaborate account of the same is given below.

Table showing as to whom the Ladakhis contact for treatment

SI.

No.

Agency contacted

No. of respondents

Percentage

Trained doctor alone

3.00

Traditional curers alone

114

38.00

Both of the above

117

59.00

178

THE LADAKHI

Only 3.00% of the Ladakhis get treatment from trained doctor alone.
On the other hand, 38.00% continue to exclusively depend on the tradi¬
tional curers including Lama, Kushok, Chanspa, Amchi etc. There
are still others (59.00%) who get treated by the traditional curers as well
as the trained doctors. But in almost all these cases the first to be approa¬
ched is the traditional curer. It is only in the secondary stage that the
trained doctor is contacted. This explains of the continuity of their faith
on traditional agencies. As more of the practices, followed by the latter,
are religion-based and as religion continues to have hold on the life and
culture of the Ladakhis, the traditional ways of curing are given weightage.

Under the existing situation the Ladakhi life and culture present
fixity, persistence and change. Traditional continuity overpowers the
change parameters.. Instances of modern trends are rarely met with.
The process of transition is extremely slow, more so in the social and
spiritual complex. Comparatively transformed are a few areas of material
way of life. The change-inhibiting factors, built in the traditional
social structure, are going strong. The outside stimulants have yet to
shake them in the interest of change. The pro-change infrastructure is
inadequate looking to the nature and background of Ladakhi society.
Poor instance of culture change is attributed to certain built-in provisions
of social-cultural milieu and to the eco-system. A large part of network
of cultural elements is an outcome c-f adjustment with the eocological
conditions. And it is this network which claims for more intactness.
Spheres beyond signify acculturative influence, whatever be its order and
quality. Ladakhi society is still bogged down in hard traditions— rational
or irrational. To bring it up in terms of planned development and change
one has to take stock of interconnected manifestations of religion, ecology
and society. The internal order as well as the external agencies need to
be geared up to show new directions. Since the region and society suffer
from remoteness and natural hazards the provision for extra resource,
zeal and dedication is to be made to help our frontier men and women.

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1970

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1971

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1926

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1907

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(Reprinted).

The Way of Power. George Allen
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t T\ ' '

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THE LADAKHI

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Ganhar, P.N.

Ganpat 1916

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Govt, of Jammu &

Kashmir 1965

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BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Mohamad, Noor

Moorcroft, Willian
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Rahul, Ram
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Hindustan and the Punjab, in Ladakh
and Kashmir and Bokhara. John
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Vigne, G.T.

Aiiout the author

[folding Post-graduate
an.d Doctoral degrees in
Anthropology from the
University of Delhi, Dr.
R S. Mann has devoted,
fo over two decades, to
research and teaching in
S' dal Anthropology.

I. . Mann is one of those
ft f anthropologists who
h i 2 conducted and su~
pt. 1 ised researches on va-
rio; s tribal and non-tribal
c ununities inhabiting
d erent and far-flung
r- ions of Indian sub-
c .tinent.

Mann’s range of
p> Sessional specialisa-
ti i includes theoretical
a. [tropology, ethnogra-
p; r, applied anthropo-
1< y and social-cultural
ch nge. And these inte¬
rs s are reflected through
ei :it books (edited and
in* vidually authored)
an ! eighty papers which
D. Mann has published
at his credit. Among
hi lately published books
arc : (1) Anthropological
an \ Sociological Theory,
(2) Social Structure, So¬
ck,, Change and Future
Tr nds, (3) The Bay Is¬
lander, (4) Indian Tribes
in Transition and (5)
He ckipikki— The Tra¬
pp' r and Seller.

T> \ Mann is now Depu-
i” director in Anthropo-
cal Survey of india.

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